Early life and career

The Records of the Three Kingdoms mentioned that Sun Jian was a descendant of Sun Wu (better known as Sun Tzu), a militarist in the Spring and Autumn Period and the author of The Art of War. Sun Quan was born in 182, while his father Sun Jian was still a low-ranking official of the Han dynasty. In 184, two years after Sun Quan was born, the Yellow Turban Rebellion led by Zhang Jue broke out across the country. Sun Jian joined the general Zhu Jun to quell the rebellion and allocated his family to stay in Shouchun. When Sun Quan's elder brother Sun Ce met Zhou Yu in 189, Sun Ce decided to take his mother Lady Wu and younger brothers to Shu County, Zhou Yu's hometown. There, the Sun family became acquainted with Zhou Yu.

After Sun Jian's death in 191, the Sun family moved again to Jiangdu in order to mourn him. Two years later, Sun Ce decided to join Yuan Shu's army so he ordered Lü Fan to take his family members to his maternal uncle Wu Jing's home in Danyang. However, Liu Yao, the Governor (牧) of Yang Province became angry when Sun Ce and Yuan Shu defeated Lu Kang, the administrator of Lujiang in 194. He felt worried that they would attack him further so he drove Wu Jing away from Danyang. Since Suan Quan and his mother were still in Liu Yao's territory, Zhu Zhi sent people to rescue them. Sun Quan and his mother moved to Fuling later.

When Sun Ce defeated Liu Yao in 195, he ordered Chen Bao to bring his family back to Danyang. As Sun Quan grew up, he served his brother during the conquests of the region south of the Yangtze River. He was made Yangxian County magistrate in 196, at the age of 14, and continued to rise through the ranks as his brother gave him more and more important tasks. Since he was passionate about gathering the retainers like Pan Zhang and Zhou Tai, his fame soon approached his father and elder brother. Zhu Ran and Hu Zong, the men he met during his schooldays, later became ministers of Eastern Wu. He was loved by his brother Sun Ce, who said that he would put his men under Sun Quan's management in the future. In 199, Sun Quan was promoted to the rank of Colonel (校尉) and followed his brother to conquer Lujiang and Yuzhang. While Cao Cao attempted to further reinforce the alliance with Sun Ce, both Sun Quan and his younger brother Sun Yi were invited to be officials in Xuchang, but they refused.

Succeeding Sun Ce

Sun Ce was assassinated in 200 during a hunt. On his deathbed, he knew that his son was still too young to be considered a realistic heir, so he entrusted the 18-year-old Sun Quan to his faithful subordinates. Initially, Sun Quan mourned his brother's death so much that he couldn't stop crying, but at Zhang Zhao's behest, he dressed himself in military uniform and set out to visit the commanderies under his brother's control. Many of Sun Ce's subordinates thought that Sun Quan was too young to sustain Sun Ce's domain and wanted to leave. Particularly, Li Shu, the Administrator of Lujiang, defected to Cao Cao. Sun Quan wrote a letter to Cao Cao to state Li Shu's crime then headed his troops to defeat Li Shu and regain Lujiang.

Zhang Zhao and Zhou Yu saw special qualities in the young man and chose to stay to serve Sun Quan. Zhang Hong, whom Sun Ce had earlier sent as a liaison to the warlord Cao Cao, also returned from Cao's domain to assist Sun Quan. At Zhang Hong's request, Cao Cao, in the name of Emperor Xian who was controlled by Cao Cao at the time, commissioned Sun Quan as General Who Attacks Barbarians, a title under which he would be known for a long time. He listened carefully to his mother Lady Wu's encouraging words, and greatly trusted Zhang Zhao and Zhang Hong with regard to civilian affairs and Zhou Yu, Cheng Pu, and Lü Fan with regard to military matters. Sun Quan also sought out talented young men to serve as his personal advisors, and it was around this time that he befriended Lu Su and Zhuge Jin, who would later play prominent roles in his administration. In addition, Lu Xun, Bu Zhi, Gu Yong, Shi Yi, Yan Jun, Xu Sheng and Zhu Huan also became his men. Throughout this period and decades to come, Sun Quan's leadership would be characterised by his ability to find men of character and entrust important matters to him, and his ability to react swiftly to events.

For the next several years, Sun Quan was largely interested in expanding against the Shanyue, hill tribes which controlled the most southern part of China and outside the reach of the Han government, in order to ensure his realm. Sun Quan launched numerous campaigns against the Shanyue. In 206, he conquered the fortress of Shanyue in Matun and Baodun and captured more than 10,000 men. Furthermore, he gradually sought to harass and weaken Liu Biao's key subordinate, Huang Zu (who controlled the northeastern region of Liu Biao's domain) – particularly because Huang Zu had killed his father in battle. He made war on Huangzu twice in 203 and 207. In 208, he was finally able to defeat and kill Huang Zu in battle, and as a result, he obtained the most of the territory of Jiangxia. Soon after, Liu Biao died while Cao Cao was preparing a major campaign to subjugate both Liu Biao and Sun Quan under his control, precipitating a major confrontation.

Battle of Red Cliffs

At the end of 208. After Liu Biao's death, a succession struggle for his domain came into being, between his sons Liu Qi and younger son Liu Cong, whom Liu Biao's second wife Lady Cai favoured (because he had married her niece). After Huang Zu's death, Liu Qi was therefore given Huang's post as the governor of Jiangxia Commandery. Liu Cong therefore succeeded Liu Biao after his death, and Liu Qi was displeased and considered, but did not carry out, an attack against his brother. Nevertheless, Liu Cong, in fear of having to fight Cao Cao and his brother on two fronts, surrendered to Cao Cao against the advice of Liu Biao's key ally Liu Bei. Liu Bei, unwilling to submit to Cao Cao, fled south. Cao caught up to him and crushed his forces, but Liu Bei escaped with his life; he fled to Dangyang. Cao Cao took over most of Jing Province, and appeared set on finally unifying the empire.

Sun Quan was well aware of Cao Cao's intentions, and he quickly entered into an alliance with Liu Bei and Liu Qi to prepare for an attack by Cao. Cao Cao wrote Sun Quan with a letter intending to intimidate, and in face of Cao's overwhelming force (estimated to be about 220,000 men, although Cao claimed 800,000, against Sun's 30,000 and the Lius' combined force of 10,000), many of Sun's subordinates, including Zhang Zhao, advocated surrender. Sun Quan refused, under advice from Zhou Yu and Lu Su that Cao Cao would surely not tolerate him even if he surrendered.

Sun Quan put Zhou Yu in charge of his 30,000 men, largely stationed on naval ships, and Zhou set up a defensive position in conjunction with Liu Bei, whose army was stationed on land. About this time, there was a plague developing in Cao Cao's forces which significantly weakened it. Zhou Yu set up a trap where he pretended to be punishing his subordinate Huang Gai, and Huang pretended to surrender to Cao Cao in fear. Zhou Yu then sent ships under Huang Gai's command to pretend to surrender and, as Huang's ships approached Cao Cao's fleet, they were set aflame to assault Cao's fleet, and Cao's fleet was largely destroyed by fire. Cao Cao led his forces to escape on land, but much of the force was destroyed by Sun Quan and Liu Bei's land forces.

Uneasy alliance with Liu Bei

Immediately after Cao Cao withdrew, Sun Quan took over the northern half of Jing Province. Liu Bei marched south and took over the southern half. The Sun-Liu alliance was further cemented by a marriage of Sun Quan's younger sister, Lady Sun, to Liu Bei. Zhou Yu was suspicious of Liu Bei's intentions, however, and suggested to Sun Quan that Liu be seized and put under house arrest (albeit be very well-treated) and his forces be merged into Sun's; Sun Quan, believing that Liu Bei's forces would rebel if he did that, declined. Sun Quan did agree to Zhou Yu's plans to consider attacking Liu Zhang and Zhang Lu (who controlled the modern southern Shaanxi) to try to take over their territories, but after Zhou Yu died in 210, the plans were abandoned. However, Sun Quan was able to persuade the warlords in Jiao Province to submit to him, and they became part of his domain. He then yielded parts of northern Jing Province to Liu Bei as well, agreeing with Liu that the south was insufficient to supply his troops. At the same time, Sun Quan appointed his subordinate Bu Zhi as the Inspector (刺史) of Jiao Province to replace Lai Gong. Shi Xie led his followers to submit to Bu Zhi's governorship. Sun Quan took over the entire Jiao Province.

In 211, Sun Quan moves his headquarters from Dantu to the city of Moling, and in the next year he rebuilt the walls and renamed the city Jianye. This new location gave him better control of the Yangtze River and better communications with his various other commanders. He also constructed fortresses at Ruxu, since Lü Meng anticipated an invasion there from Cao Cao.

The invasion Lü Meng expected came at the start of 213. Sun Quan personally led the army there to resist Cao Cao and relied heavily on the fortresses Lü Meng built to give his soldiers strong positions from which to defend. At one point, Cao Cao tried to send his navy across the river to break Sun Quan's lines, but Sun Quan's own ships surrounded them and destroyed them. Due to the stalemate in the war, Sun Quan drove a big ship to enter the military camp of Cao cao on the other side of Yangtze River to observe his enemy situation. Cao Cao was very impressed with the military discipline of his opponent so he said that he should have a child like Sun Quan and didn't launch an attack on this occasion. Sun Quan ordered people to play music on the ship and returned to his camp safely. Ultimately, Lü Meng's defences held and Sun Quan wrote a letter to Cao Cao to warn that the spring rains would come a month later, Cao Cao had to take his advice and pull back.

After Cao Cao's defeat at Ruxu, many people along the Yangtze River fled south to join Sun Quan. With the exception of Wan County and the immediate area, the region became abandoned. In 214, Cao Cao sent a man named Zhu Guang to Wan County with orders to revitalise the region and bring it under Cao Cao's control. Zhu Guang began extensive agricultural projects, and he also stirred up bandits and malcontents into rebellion in Sun Quan's territory. Lü Meng feared that if Zhu Guang's programmes were successful, it would make Cao Cao's hold in the area unbreakable and urged for a campaign against Huan. Sun Quan followed Lü Meng's strategy and used the seasonal flooding to travel to the city by boat, which allowed them to attack unexpectedly. Rather than a lengthy siege, Lü Meng, Gan Ning and Ling Tong led a quick strike and broke Zhu Guang's defences, capturing the city.

After Liu Bei's conquest of Yi Province, he was able to supply his troops on his own, so Sun Quan sent Lu Su as an emissary to demand for the return of Jing Province, but Liu Bei refused. Sun Quan then sent Lü Meng and Ling Tong to lead 20,000 men to attack southern Jing Province and they succeeded in capturing Changsha, Guiyang, and Lingling commanderies. Meantime, Lu Su and Gan Ning advanced to Yiyang (益陽) with 10,000 men (to block Guan Yu) and took over command of the army at Lukou (陸口). Liu Bei personally went to Gong'an County and Guan Yu led 30,000 men to Yiyang. When an all-out war was about to break out, the news that Cao Cao planned to attack Hanzhong was received by Liu Bei, and he requested for a border treaty with Sun Quan as he became worried about Cao Cao seizing Hanzhong. Liu Bei asked Sun Quan to give him back Lingling Commandery and create a diversion for Cao Cao by attacking Hefei; in return, Liu Bei ceded Changsha and Guiyang commanderies to Sun Quan, setting the new border along the Xiang River. Sun Quan's attack on Hefei was disastrous - he was nearly captured on one occasion, if not saved by Ling Tong.

In 217, Cao Cao brought a massive army to attack Ruxu again. Sun Quan personally led 70,000 men to defend the city, though he left actual command of the battle to Lü Meng. It was a furious campaign, and after several weeks of gruelling battle, Lü Meng's defences held and the spring floods forced Cao Cao to retreat once again.

Still, this was not a complete victory. Most of Cao Cao's army was still intact and he had a huge force under Xiahou Dun north of Sun Quan's position. This resulted in a stalemate in which as long as Sun Quan kept his army in Ruxu, Xiahou Dun could not hope to invade him; but as soon as Sun Quan pulled out of Ruxu, Xiahou Dun could break through. Also, Xiahou Dun's force was simply too large and too well-entrenched to be driven away. Sun Quan had no military options, so he settled on a diplomatic solution. In 217, Sun Quan allied with Cao Cao, recognising him as the legitimate representative of the Han central government. While officially this was a surrender, Cao Cao knew that Sun Quan would not be content with being treated like a subject, so he confirmed all of the titles Sun Quan had claimed for himself and formalised his control over the lands he held. Sun Quan was permitted to continue to rule independently but was now officially one of Cao Cao's subordinates.

Breaking of alliance with Liu Bei

In 219, Guan Yu advanced north, attacking Fancheng, scoring a major victory over Cao Ren. While Fancheng did not fall at this time, Guan Yu put it under siege, and the situation was severe enough that Cao Cao considered moving the capital away from Xu. However, Sun Quan, resentful of Guan Yu's prior constant instigation of hostilities (including seizing Sun's food supplies to use for his campaign north), took the opportunity to attack Guan from the rear, and Guan's forces collapsed. Guan Yu was captured by forces under Lü Meng and Jiang Qin; Guan Yu was executed, Jing Province came under Sun's control, and the Sun-Liu alliance ended.

After Cao Cao's death in 220, Cao Pi forced Emperor Xian to yield the throne to him, ending the Han dynasty and establishing the state of Cao Wei. Sun Quan did not immediately submit to Wei or declare independence after Cao Pi's enthronement, but took a wait-and-see attitude; by contrast, in early 221, Liu Bei declared himself emperor, establishing the state of Shu Han. Immediately, Liu Bei planned a campaign against Sun Quan to avenge Guan Yu. After attempting to negotiate peace and receiving no positive response from Liu Bei, fearing attack on both sides, Sun Quan became a vassal of Wei. Cao Pi's strategist Liu Ye suggested that Cao Pi decline — and in fact attack Sun Quan on a second front, effectively partitioning Sun's domain with Shu, and then eventually seek to destroy Shu as well. Cao Pi declined, in a fateful choice that most historians believe doomed his empire to ruling only the northern and central China — and this chance would not come again. Indeed, against Liu Ye's advice, on 23 September 221 he appointed Sun Quan the King of Wu and granted him the nine bestowments.

In 222, at the Battle of Xiaoting, Sun Quan's general Lu Xun dealt Liu Bei a major defeat, stopping the Shu offensive. Shu would not again pose a threat to Sun Quan from that point on. Later that year, when Cao Pi demanded that Sun Quan send his crown prince Sun Deng to the Wei capital Luoyang as a hostage (to guarantee his loyalty), Sun Quan refused and declared independence (by changing era name), thus establishing Eastern Wu as an independent state. Cao Pi launched a major attack on Wu, but after Wei defeats in early 223, it became clear that Wu was secure. After Liu Bei's death later that year, Zhuge Jin's brother Zhuge Liang, the regent for Liu Bei's son and successor Liu Shan, reestablished the alliance with Sun Quan, and the two states would remain allies until Shu's eventual destruction in 263.

Early reign

Early in Sun Quan's reign, the Wu administration was known for its efficiency, as Sun showed a knack for listening to correct advice and for delegating authorities to the proper individuals. For example, he correctly trusted the faithful Lu Xun and Zhuge Jin, so much so that he made a duplicate imperial seal and left it with Lu Xun; whenever he would correspond with Shu's emperor Liu Shan or regent Zhuge Liang, he would deliver the letter to Lu Xun first (as Lu's post was near the Shu border), and then if, in Lu's opinion, changes were needed, he would revise the letter and then restamp it with Sun's imperial seal. Further, Lu Xun and Zhuge Jin were authorised to coordinate their actions with Shu without prior imperial approval. Sun Quan treated his high-level officials as friends and addressed them accordingly (with courtesy names), and in accordance they dedicated all effort to Wu's preservation. He also knew what were the proper roles for officials that he trusted; for example, in 225, when selecting a chancellor, while the key officials all respected Zhang Zhao greatly and wanted him to be chancellor, Sun Quan declined, reasoning that while he respected Zhang greatly, a chancellor needed to handle all affairs of state, and Zhang, while capable, had such strong opinions that he would surely be in conflict with Sun Quan and other officials at all times. He also repeatedly promoted his official Lü Fan even though, while he was young, Lü Fan had informed to Sun Ce about his improper spending habits, understanding that Lü did so only out of loyalty to Sun Ce.

In 224 and 225, Cao Pi again made attacks on Wu, but each time the Wu forces were able to repel Wei's with fair ease — so easily that Cao Pi made the comment, "Heaven created the Yangtze to divide the north and south." However, Sun Quan was himself equally unsuccessful in efforts to make major attacks on Wei. After Cao Pi's death in 226, for example, Sun Quan launched an attack on Wei's Jiangxia Commandery, but was forced to withdraw as soon as Wei reinforcements arrived. However, later that year, he was able to increase his effective control over Jiao Province when his general Lü Dai was able to defeat the warlord Shi Hui (士徽) and end the effective independence that the Shi clan had. In addition, the several independent kingdoms in modern Cambodia, Laos, and southern Vietnam all became Wu vassals as well.

The Book of Liang records the arrival in 226 of a merchant from the Roman Empire (Daqin) at Jiaozhi (Chinese-controlled northern Vietnam). The Prefect of Jiaozhou sent him to the court of Sun Quan in Nanjing. Sun Quan requested that he provide him with a report on his native country and its people. An expedition was mounted to return the merchant along with 10 female and 10 male "blackish coloured dwarfs" he had requested as a curiosity and a Chinese officer who, unfortunately, died en route.

The one major victory that Wu would have over Wei during this period came in 228, when, with Sun Quan's approval, his general Zhou Fang pretended to be surrendering to Wei after pretending to have been punished repeatedly by Sun Quan. This tricked the Wei general Cao Xiu, who led a large army south to support Zhou Fang. He walked into the trap set by Zhou Fang and Lu Xun and suffered major losses, but was saved from total annihilation by Jia Kui.

In 229, Sun Quan declared himself emperor, which almost damaged the alliance with Shu, as many Shu officials saw this as a sign of betrayal of the Han dynasty — to which Shu claimed to be the legitimate successor. However, Zhuge Liang opposed ending the alliance and in fact confirmed it with a formal treaty later that year, in which the two states pledged to support each other and divide Wei equally if they could conquer it. Later that year, he moved his capital from Wuchang to Jianye, leaving his crown prince Sun Deng, assisted by Lu Xun, in charge of the western parts of Eastern Wu.

Middle reign

In 230, however, the first sign of the deterioration of Sun Quan's reign occurred. That year, he sent his generals Wei Wen (衛溫) and Zhuge Zhi (諸葛直) with a navy of 10,000 into the East China Sea to seek the legendary islands of Yizhou (夷洲) and Danzhou (亶洲), likely Taiwan or Ryukyu, to seek to conquer them, despite strenuous opposition of Lu Xun and Quan Cong. The navy was not able to locate Danzhou but located Yizhou, and returned in 231 after capturing several thousand men — but only after 80-90% of the navy had died from illness. Instead of seeing his own fault in this venture, Sun Quan simply executed Wei Wen and Zhuge Zhi. Perhaps concerned about this deterioration in Sun Quan's judgment, Sun Deng left the western empire in Lu Xun's hands in 232 and returned to Jianye, and would remain at Jianye until his own death in 241.

In 232, Sun Quan had another misadventure involving his navy — as he sent his generals Zhou He (周賀) and Pei Qian (裴濳) to the nominal Wei vassal Gongsun Yuan, in control of Liaodong Commandery, to purchase horses, against the advice of Yu Fan - and indeed, he exiled Yu Fan to the desolate Cangwu Commandery (roughly modern Wuzhou, Guangxi) as punishment. Just as Yu Fan predicted, however, the venture would end in failure — as Zhou He and Pei Qian, on their way back, were intercepted by Wei forces and killed. Regretting his actions, Sun Quan tried to recall Yu Fan back to Jianye, only to learn that Yu had died in exile.

The next year, however, Sun Quan would have yet another misadventure in his dealings with Gongsun Yuan, as Gongsun sent messengers to him, offering to be his subject. Sun Quan was ecstatic, and appointed Gongsun Yuan the Prince of Yan and granted him the nine bestowments, and further sent a detachment of 10,000 men by sea north to assist Gongsun Yuan in his campaign against Wei, against the advice of nearly every single one of his high-level officials, particularly Zhang Zhao. Once the army arrived, however, Gongsun Yuan betrayed them, killing Sun Quan's officials Zhang Mi and Xu Yan (許晏), whom Sun had sent to grant the bestowments and seized their troops. Once that happened, the enraged Sun Quan wanted to personally head north with a fleet to attack Gongsun Yuan, and initially, not even Lu Xun's opposition was able to stop him, although he eventually calmed down and did not follow through. To his credit, he also personally went to Zhang Zhao's house and apologised to him. Further, despite the deterioration in his previous clear thinking, he was still capable of making proper decisions at times. For example, in 235, when, as a sign of contempt, Wei's emperor Cao Rui offered horses to him in exchange for pearls, jade, and tortoise shells, Sun Quan ignored the implicit insult and made the exchange, reasoning that his empire needed horses much more than pearls, jade or tortoise shells.

In 234, in coordination with Zhuge Liang's final northern expedition against Wei, Sun Quan personally led a major attack against Wei's border city Hefei, while having Lu Xun and Zhuge Jin attack Xiangyang, with the strategy of trying to attract Wei relief forces and then attacking them. However, Wei generals correctly saw the situation and simply let Sun Quan siege Hefei. Only after Sun Quan's food supplies ran low did Cao Rui personally arrive with reinforcements, and Sun withdrew, as did Lu Xun and Zhuge Jin.

In 238, when Gongsun Yuan was under attack by Wei's general Sima Yi, Sun Quan, despite his prior rage against Gongsun, correctly judged the situation as one where he might be able to take advantage if Sima Yi were initially unsuccessful, so he did not immediately refuse Gongsun's request for help. However, as Sima Yi was able to conquer Gongsun Yuan quickly, Sun Quan never launched the major attack that he considered if Sima got stuck in a stalemate with Gongsun. That year, he also recognised how Lü Yi, the supervisor of the audit bureau, had been abusing his powers, and had Lü Yi executed; he then further confirmed his trust in the high-level officials by personally writing an emotional letter to Zhuge Jin, Bu Zhi, Zhu Ran, and Lü Dai, blaming himself for the recent problems with his administration while urging them to speak out honestly whenever they saw faults in him.

In 241, Sun Quan would launch the last major assault against Wei of his reign, in light of Cao Rui's death in 239, but he rejected a strategy offered by Yin Zha (殷札) to attack Wei in coordinated effort with Shu on four different fronts, and the campaign ended in failure as well.

Late reign

Later in 241, the crown prince Sun Deng died — an event that left open the issue of succession and appeared to mark the start of a precipitous decline in Sun Quan's mental health. In 242, he appointed his son Sun He, born to Consort Wang, crown prince. However, he also favoured another son by Consort Wang, Sun Ba, and permitted Sun Ba to have the same staffing level as the crown prince — a move that was objected to by a number of officials as encouraging Sun Ba to compete with Sun He, but Sun Quan did not listen to them. After 245, when Sun He and Sun Ba began to have separate residences, their relationship deteriorated further, and Sun Ba began to scheme at how to seize heir status from Sun He. Fanned by gossip from his daughter Sun Luban, Sun Quan blamed Sun He's mother Consort Wang for this — and she died in fear. He also cut off Sun He and Sun Ba's access to the officials who supported them in hopes of receiving future favours, but this could not stop Sun Ba's machinations. Indeed, when Lu Xun tried to intervene to protect Sun He, Sun Ba falsely accused him of many crimes, and Sun Quan became provoked so much that he repeatedly rebuked Lu Xun, causing him to die in frustration.

In 250, fed up with Sun Ba's constant attacks against Sun He, Sun Quan carried out an inexplicable combination of actions, He forced Sun Ba to commit suicide, while deposing Sun He (who had not been shown to have committed any crimes), and instead creating his youngest son, Sun Liang, crown prince to replace Sun He. This move was opposed by his son-in-law Zhu Ju (the husband of Sun Quan's daughter Sun Luyu), but Zhu Ju's pleas not only did not help Sun He, but also resulted in his own death, as Sun Quan forced him to commit suicide. Many other officials who also opposed the move, as well as officials who had supported Sun Ba, were executed.

Around this time, Sun Quan also had his generals destroy a number of levees near the border with Wei, creating large areas of flooding, in order to obstruct potential attacks from Wei.

In 251, Sun Quan created the first empress of his reign — Sun Liang's mother Consort Pan (previously, he had a succession of wives, but never made any of them empress, except for his favourite, Lady Bu, who was created empress posthumously after her death in 238). Later that year, however, he realised that Sun He was blameless and wanted to recall him from his exile, but was persuaded not to do so by his daughter Sun Luban and Sun Jun, who had supported Sun Liang's ascension. He realised that he was getting very old (69 by this point) and, at Sun Jun's recommendation, commissioned Zhuge Jin's son Zhuge Ke as the future regent for Sun Liang, even though he correctly had misgivings about how Zhuge Ke was arrogant and had overly high opinions of his own abilities. At that time virtually the entire empire, awed by Zhuge's prior military victories, was convinced that Zhuge would be the correct choice for regent.

In 252, as Sun Quan neared death, Empress Pan was murdered, but how she was murdered remains a controversy. Wu officials claimed that her servants, unable to stand her temper, strangled her while she was asleep, while a number of historians, including Hu Sanxing, the commentator to Sima Guang's Zizhi Tongjian, believed that top Wu officials were complicit, as they feared that she would seize power as empress dowager after Sun Quan's death. On 21 May 252, Sun Quan died at the age of 70 (by East Asian age reckoning), and Sun Liang succeeded him. Sun Quan was buried in August or September 252 in a mausoleum at the Purple Mountain in Jianye.

Family

Era names

• Huangwu (黃武 Huángwǔ) 222–229

• Huanglong (黃龍 Huánglóng) 229–231

• Jiahe (嘉禾 Jiāhé|w=Chia-ho|labels=no) 232–238

• Chiwu (赤烏 Chìwū) 238–251

• Taiyuan (太元 Taìyuán|w=Tai-yuan|labels=no) 251–252

• Shenfeng (神鳳 Shénfèng) 252

In popular culture

Video games

Sun Quan appears as a playable character in Koei's Dynasty Warriors and Warriors Orochi video game series.

Sun Quan also appears in the mobile video game Puzzle & Dragons as part of the Three Kingdoms Gods series.

Sun Quan is also a playable character in Total War: Three Kingdoms as part of the Sun family faction.

Card games

In the collectible card game Magic: The Gathering there is a card named "Sun Quan, Lord of Wu", in the Portal Three Kingdoms set.

In the selection of hero cards in the Chinese card game San Guo Sha, there is also a Sun Quan hero that players can select at the beginning of the game.

Film and television

Zhang Bo, in the 2010 Chinese television series Three Kingdoms.

Zheng Wei as a child, in the 2010 Chinese television series Three Kingdoms.

Taiwanese actor Chang Chen portrayed Sun Quan in John Woo's 2008 two-part epic war film Red Cliff.

Deng Haifeng, in the 2017 Chinese television series The Advisors Alliance.

生平經歷

出生異象

孫權的一族富春孫氏是江東士族，但不太顯赫，世代仕於吳。生父孫堅據說是春秋時期軍事家孫武後人，孤微發跡；孫權亦因此可能是孫武的第22代孫。

孫權生母為吳郡豪族出身的吳夫人，當初懷孕的時候，夢見月亮進去懷裡，之後生下了孫策。及後在懷孫權的時候，又夢見太陽進去懷裡。之後告訴孫堅說：「妾昔日懷著孫策的時候，夢見月亮入懷裡；如今又夢見太陽入懷裡，為什麼會這樣呢？」孫堅回答：「太陽和月亮，是陰陽的能量精氣，是極其貴象的徵兆。我們的子孫大概會發家興旺吧！」孫堅在擔任下邳縣丞時生有孫權。

早年經歷

漢光和七年（184年），朱儁奏請孫堅擔任佐軍司馬，孫堅隨朱儁南征北戰，將妻吳氏和孫權等諸子都留在九江郡壽春縣。

漢中平六年（189年），漢靈帝逝世，長沙（治所在今湖南省長沙市）太守的孫堅起兵從長沙經荊州響應討伐董卓的關東聯軍。當時孫權的長兄孫策已在壽春淮南一帶頗有名氣。其中有廬江人周瑜前來拜會，在周瑜的建議下，孫策于是攜母弟搬到廬江郡舒縣（今安徽省廬江縣西南）。

漢初平二年（191年），孫堅奉袁術之命討伐荊州劉表，結果中劉表手下的黃祖的埋伏身亡。而孫堅遺子孫策孫權都跟隨袁術行動 ，《江表傳》也記載孫權常隨從孫策左右。孫權為世所知後，孫策對這個弟弟感到很驚奇，自認為不如他。每當宴請賓客時，孫策常常回頭看著孫權說：「這些人，以後都會是你的將領。」。後來孫策在江都遇到張紘，便託付他照看母弟。

漢初平四年（193年）因孫策到壽春去見袁術，就派呂范將孫權等人護送到住在曲阿的舅舅吳景那裡居住。翌年，孫策擊破了陸康為袁術取得了廬江郡。當時，還是揚州刺史的劉繇擔心自己也會被袁氏吞併，與袁術和孫策產生嫌隙，于是將孫權堂兄孫賁和吳景驅逐出曲阿，只有孫權及其母弟弟們還留在那裡，于是朱治特意將其從曲阿接到自己家裡奉養衛護。孫權和母親後來又遷至歷陽縣和阜陵縣居住。

漢興平二年（195年）孫策渡江擊敗劉繇後，派遣陳寶迎接母親弟弟。孫權到江東以後，與朱然胡綜一起讀書，結下了深厚的友誼。

漢建安元年（196年），孫權14歲的時候，由朱治舉為孝廉，任陽羨縣（今江蘇宜興）長，代行奉義校尉。，當時已有屬下周泰和潘璋。

孫策平定江東的丹陽、會稽和吳三郡後開始給漢廷進貢。建安二年（197年），漢廷派劉琬前往江東授予孫策會稽太守的職務，劉琬對人說：「我看孫家的兄弟雖然每個都才華橫溢，智慧通達，都是榮華福貴不長久。只有次男孝廉，相貌高大挺拔，有大貴之表，且會是最為長壽的，你們等著瞧吧。」袁術與孫策決裂後，拉攏丹陽等六縣及山賊頭目祖郎，鼓動山越和自己一起共同對付孫策。當時孫策率兵前往討山賊，僅孫權等數百人留在宣城，山賊數千人蜂擁而至，年輕的孫權在周泰的保護之下得以倖免。

漢建安四年（199年）末至次年初，孫權隨同孫策征廬江太守劉勛于皖城。劉勛敗逃後，又進軍沙羡討伐黃祖，與仇敵黃祖在沙羡一帶展開大戰，黃祖幾乎全軍覆沒，韓唏戰死，黃祖隻身逃走，士卒溺死者達萬人，豫章太守華歆又舉城投降。平定了廬江豫章二郡。孫策與曹操交好，表面臣服於漢朝廷之下，曹操加封孫策為吳侯，並任命嚴象將孫權舉為茂才。並以禮徵辟孫權和孫權的弟弟孫翊到漢朝廷擔當漢臣職務，但二人均沒有前往。

繼任與立足江東

漢建安五年（200年）春，孫策遭到刺殺，臨終前將二弟孫權來病榻前，佩以印綬及兵符，將他定為繼承人。孫權在兄長去世的悲痛中而未主持公務，經過長史張昭勸說，乃除去喪服，由張昭扶上馬，外出巡察軍營，程普、朱治、周瑜、呂範等為孫權效力輔助，但自己地盤的人卻對孫權懷有異心。

孫策平定江東的時候，曾對當地士族進行打壓、屠戮，導致孫家在本土得不到支持。未開發山地潛藏的山越也大規模發動叛亂，而江東許多的本地豪族士族與山越族群都有緊密聯繫，因此，在孫氏每次出征對外的時候，都給予江東內部很大的侵擾，也一直牽制著吳國數十年的對外作戰。當時只佔有江東會稽、吳郡、丹楊、豫章、廬陵、廬江六郡，而當中五郡卻不服從發生叛變，當地人士大量逃離江東投靠北方，山越也大規模發起叛亂，北方的曹操也打算進攻江東。而兄弟孫輔認為孫權沒有能力保衛江東，於是與曹操暗通出賣孫權，被孫權察覺後給予制裁。堂兄孫暠（孫靜長男）欲攻打會稽郡奪取政權，但虞翻不從他。廬江太守李術不服從孫權，與梅乾、雷緒、陳蘭數萬人在集結淮水一帶騷擾破壞，孫權寫信要求李術扣留這些叛逃者。李術公開表示有德見歸，無德見叛，不應復還為由拒絕。在內外雙重壓力之下，孫權以張昭為師傅，並任用父兄留下的部將，著力懷柔本土士族，起用豪族子弟，穩定江東孫家政權，並且招納更多人才為自己效力。接著孫權用謀略寫信給曹操，說嚴象被殺是李術所為，所以不應該理會李術。孫權隨後與孫河、徐琨一起親征叛徒李術于皖城。皖城被孫權包圍，李術向曹操求救，但是曹操沒有到來，一切發展正如孫權所設計的一樣。城內糧盡只能用泥丸代替食糧充飢，隨即破皖城，李術被梟首，孫權遷徙城裡人及李術部將三萬餘人到江東，留下一座空城。

陸遜、徐盛、留贊、諸葛瑾、步騭、顧雍、是儀、呂岱、朱桓、駱統等賢才良將都在這一時期加入孫權麾下。魯肅本打算離開投靠北方，但是周瑜斷言孫權在南方成就帝業，並挽留魯肅而且把他推薦給孫權。魯肅則向孫權說出漢室不能復興，曹操不能一時間消滅。應該割據江東靜觀其變，在北方多戰亂的時候乘勢應消滅劉表，佔據長江以南建立帝業的方案。曹操見孫策已死本打算伐吳，侍御史張紘勸諫曹操不該乘人之危。曹操聽從其言，通過東漢朝廷冊封孫權為討虜將軍，兼領會稽太守，以吳縣為治所。孫權派顧徽到北方，打探曹操的動向。

漢建安八年（203年），豫章鄱陽縣等地山越再起，孫權即刻命征虜中郎將呂範平定鄱陽、蕩寇中郎將程普討伐樂安，派賀齊討平東冶地，建昌都尉太史慈分頭進討山越，又派別部司馬黃蓋、韓當、呂蒙等人扼守山越經常出沒的郡縣，恢復了原設縣邑，穩定了秩序。漢建安十一年（206年）又率領孫瑜，周瑜，淩統，成功討平山越麻、保二屯。

奠定基業

數伐黃祖

漢建安八年（203年），孫權曾發起夏口之戰並擊敗黃祖的水軍。

漢建安十二年（207年），自黃祖一處來降的甘寧說：「今漢已經日漸衰微，曹操為滿足自己的心，終於成了篡漢的盜賊。南荊之地，山陵地勢有利，江川流通，國的西邊的確是這樣的形勢。我已看透劉表，考慮的不夠長遠，兒子也是無能的人，不是能夠承傳基業之才。主公應當盡早規劃，不能落入曹操手上。進圖之計，先取黃祖為佳。黃祖如今年老，老邁衰退嚴重，錢財糧谷都已經缺乏，左右矇騙他，事出於錢財私利，侵要吏士的錢財，吏士心裏都憤怒。舟船戰具，廢棄也不修理，耕農懶惰，軍隊沒有法紀。如果主公現在去攻打，必定能大敗。一旦打敗黃祖軍，擊鼓行軍至西，西據楚關，大局趨勢擴張，這樣就可以逐漸進取巴蜀。」孫權贊同並採納。張昭當時就在席上坐，難言道：「吳國如今危懼，如果行軍攻打，必然招致恐慌。」甘寧回答道：「國家將蕭何的重任交給君，君留置守護卻擔心憂亂，那為什麼還要仰慕古人？」孫權對舉起酒杯附於甘寧說：「興霸，今年行軍討伐，就如這杯酒，決意託付給卿你。卿盡量提出方略，如能夠破黃祖，則是卿的功勞，不要因為張長史（張昭）之言而放棄。」出兵虜其人民而還。

漢建安十三年（208年），孫權發動江夏之戰率軍再次進攻江夏郡南部，以周瑜為大督，眾將隨軍出征。黃祖見孫權兵來，急派水軍都督陳就率兵反擊，呂蒙統率前鋒部隊，身先戰陣，親自斬殺陳就。擄獲其船隻、士兵。返回到孫權大軍，並引領自軍兼程趕路，水路兩路齊進。黃祖用水軍攔截去路，董襲和凌統身先士卒以輕裝上前突擊，並攻下江夏等地，黃祖隻身逃竄，被孫權軍中的騎兵馮則所斬殺。此戰，孫權成功收取江夏郡南部一帶，後將治所自吳移居至京口。

赤壁之戰與孫劉聯盟

漢建安十三年（208年）秋，曹操對孫權發出以八十萬軍力會獵江東的書信，孫權打算與曹操決一死戰，但張昭等群臣勸孫權歸降，礙於豪族群臣的壓力下孫權沒有表達自己的意見，聽後離開席間換衣服，唯獨魯肅離座找孫權說要對抗曹操，孫權很高興魯肅與自己的想法一致，對張昭等人所說的感到非常失望，魯肅勸孫權召回進兵鄱陽的周瑜，並邀請劉備加盟的提議。孫權答應，隨即派魯肅到荊州打探情況。當時荊州牧劉表病死，劉表次子劉琮及其母蔡氏其舅蔡瑁因仇視劉備而投降曹操。魯肅到荊州之前劉備被曹操打敗，荊州已經落入曹操之手，劉備南渡長江，魯肅與他相遇詢問去向，劉備打算到蒼梧投靠朋友吳巨，魯肅則說明孫權的意向和實力，邀請劉備加盟孫權共同對抗曹操，而不是投靠力弱的人。劉備很高興孫權的邀請，聽後見事態緊急隨即派諸葛亮去求見孫權。周瑜向群臣分析曹操與孫權兩軍的優劣勝敗，指出：「其一，曹軍背後仍有後顧之憂，西涼有馬騰、韓遂等軍閥，戰端一開，必偷襲曹軍背後。」、「其二，北方人慣習陸戰而不擅水戰，竟敢捨馬鞍而就船槳，此乃捨長就短。」、「其三，寒冬將至，曹軍兵缺衣食，馬無槁草，兵卒士氣低落。」、「其四，曹軍遠途跋涉，奔襲千里，水土不服，多生病患。」既而進步分析了曹軍的實際力量，指出來自中原的曹軍不過十五六萬，而且所得劉表新降的七八萬人，人心並不向曹。」此時只有周瑜、魯肅堅持抗擊曹操的主張，意見與孫權相合。隨即以決斷之勢拔劍砍掉桌子一角，說：「敢再有言降曹者，如同此案！」藉此將投降派氣焰壓倒，並將一早已經準備好的三萬軍隊交給周瑜指揮。周瑜、程普分別被任命為左、右都督，魯肅為贊軍校尉輔助周瑜。另外派賀齊和蔣欽前往後方平定山越騷亂。孫權派周瑜與曹操大軍對峙，在赤壁與曹軍相遇，周瑜採納黃蓋計謀大敗曹操軍，曹操只好撤回北方，與沒有參戰的曹仁匯合。孫權與眾將跟隨周瑜追擊至烏林再次大破了曹軍，乘勝進攻荊州南郡。周瑜派甘寧攻夷陵，曹操的盟友益州牧劉璋部將襲肅投降，但是甘寧被曹仁的萬人軍隊包圍。當時甘寧被曹仁圍攻多日也沒有被攻破，於是周瑜採納呂蒙的計策，留下凌統抗拒曹仁，用其中一半兵力馳救甘寧，軍隊將曹仁擊破，最終甘寧攻下夷陵（宜都）。

漢建安十四年（209年），曹仁得到後方大軍的多方面支援，因此周瑜和曹仁兩軍在南郡相持了一年。而劉備以張飛和一千人向周瑜換取二千名江東兵，轉攻長沙、桂陽、武陵、零陵荊南四郡。孫權為了減低周瑜們的前線壓力，親率剩餘的小量軍力軍圍合肥，相持合肥一個多月分散敵人軍力，最後聽從張紘的建議撤退。曹仁軍最終被周瑜重創而撤退，而關羽斷北道失敗，被曹仁成功撤出南郡。孫權陣營等人攻下南郡，轉戰平定了荊州，將勢力延伸到荊南四郡。孫權以孫夫人聯姻來鞏固孫劉聯盟的關係，孫權拜周瑜為偏將軍兼領南郡太守，以長沙郡的下雋、漢昌、劉陽、南郡的州陵為領地奉邑，屯駐在江陵，拜程普為裨將軍兼領江夏太守，以江夏的沙羨為領地，其中四縣為其食邑。全柔為桂陽太守在桂陽當地負責運米回吳。武陵一帶發生蠻夷騷亂，任命黃蓋為武陵太守並到任前往平定，後再轉戰到長沙平定山賊。而蔣欽討伐會稽亂賊平定五縣有功，遷升為討越中郎將，以涇拘、零陵郡的昭陽為奉邑領地。孫權表劉備為荊州牧，之後劉備向周瑜借地，周瑜分南岸地給劉備，後劉備將南岸地一處地油江口改名為公安。周泰當時屯兵在公安附近的岑，劉備嫌地少無法容納人馬，親自到京口見孫權借荊州數郡（南郡、長沙、武陵、零陵、桂陽）並督領荊州。周瑜和呂範知道劉備到京城提議軟禁他，而魯肅建議孫權借荊州給劉備。但是，在伐蜀的途中周瑜病逝，程普代領為南郡太守。按周瑜遺言孫權任命魯肅接替其職務，孫權此時將長沙郡分為漢昌，以魯肅為漢昌太守屯駐陸口，後來採納魯肅建議借荊州（南郡、長沙、武陵、桂陽、零陵）給劉備，程普還領江夏太守。劉備上表奏封孫權代理車騎將軍，兼任徐州牧。曾經，周瑜和甘寧勸孫權入蜀，孫權邀請劉備共同取益州，劉備以劉璋是同祖宗為由拒絕，並說如果孫權打劉璋自己一定阻止，如果我打劉璋的話，我必定會披髮入山林歸隱，不做攻取同宗的事。孫權不聽並進攻益州，周瑜中途病故由孫瑜繼續進攻，但劉備阻止並不給孫瑜前進的去路，並說不能這樣做，孫權只有下令退還。

遠征交州

漢建安十五年（210年），遷步騭為交州刺史，南征交州，211年拜其為征南中郎將。步騭到達交州，士燮率領家族臣服。劉表所置蒼梧太守吳巨率多人馬軍迎接，步騭對此猜疑，結局被步騭發現有異心，於是在酒席間斬殺，聲名大振。孫權自此得到交州九郡領有權，並加封臣服于自己的士燮為左將軍。南海郡、鬱林郡、蒼梧郡、交阯郡、日南郡、珠崖郡、儋耳郡、九真郡、合浦郡則屬於孫權領土，但實際是士夑獨立管治。

南北爭衡

漢建安十六年（211年），孫權將治所遷至秣陵（今江蘇省南京市）。次年，孫權修築石頭城，改秣陵為建業。聽聞曹操率四十萬大軍進攻，孫權打算興建水塢，部將大家都認為直接上下船就能著陸登船，建造水塢沒用，只有呂蒙認為這個塢可以給步兵快速登船進退不失的便利，於是孫權同意呂蒙看法，派呂蒙建造濡須塢作為進出濡須到巢湖的水軍防衛要塞，也是濡須之戰的重要補給據點，與日後曹魏建造的合肥新城是互相對應的防衛設施。同時孫權向劉備發出救援，當時劉備作為客將在劉璋之下，劉備以救孫權為由向劉璋借兵去救孫權，其實先前劉備與龐統已經密謀採用中策攻取益州。劉璋對劉備猜疑所以只給他一半軍需和4000兵馬，劉備以此藉口說劉璋給物資和兵少，隨後反戈偷襲了益州劉璋。

漢建安十八年（213年）正月，曹操親率四十萬大軍攻孫權於濡須口，濡須口的江西營被曹軍攻破都督公孫陽被俘虜。劉備最終也沒有任何救援孫權，孫權知道劉備攻益州而不來救援出爾反爾，大罵劉備是狡猾的傢伙竟然敢使詐。濡須戰場最後只有孫權軍獨力以七萬大軍抵擋曹操號稱的四十萬大軍，江西營被攻破公孫陽被生擒，而董襲趕往救援江西的途中遇溺身亡。之後，曹操作油船在夜中攻擊洲上的孫權軍。孫權親自率軍反擊，驅使水軍包圍了曹操，曹操軍戰死溺死有數千人，被孫權俘虜的敵兵人數也有三千餘人。孫權乘勝追擊，並對曹操進行多次挑釁，但是曹操受到孫權的打擊下而不敢出擊接戰。孫權見曹操堅守不出，親自督一艘船從濡須塢出擊進入曹操大軍陣地觀陣，《吳錄》記載曹操軍眾人打算射擊孫權的船，但曹操知道孫權來觀陣下令不要妄動，孫權在曹操大營饒了一圈，曹操看到孫權的膽量還有船上士兵器械嚴整，讚歎：「生子當如孫仲謀，劉景升兒子像豬狗」。隨後，孫權下令吹號回營。而《魏略》記載則是說孫權進了曹操軍陣地，曹操命部下拉箭亂射，孫權船身一則被箭矢射滿將要翻船，孫權隨即下令調轉船身擋箭，船身也因此得到平衡，孫權從容地回營。此時戰鬥已經過了一個月有餘，曹操仍然無法打敗孫權也無法攻克嚴防的濡須塢，孫權便寫信給曹操說春天水增快點走吧，並在另一封信寫上你不死我不安樂。孫權給曹操一個撤退的下台階，曹操收到信後，對左右說孫權不會騙我，隨即下令撤軍。

漢建安十九年（214年）五月，孫權親征廬江治所皖城。在半日內就攻破皖城，俘虜了廬江太守朱光及參軍董和，男女數萬人。在夾石趕來救援的張遼聽到城被攻落只好歸還。7月，曹操不聽從傅幹諫言率十萬人攻取濡須一帶，但受到甘寧100人奇襲而撤退。劉備得到益州，於是孫權派諸葛瑾向劉備討還荊州各郡。劉備拒絕，並說得到涼州後再把荊州所有郡歸還（當時益州與涼州之間還有一個漢中，而漢中當時是張魯的領地），孫權經過濡須和益州一事後知道劉備的推託假話，隨即派三名官吏去三郡，但被關羽逐出。於是孫權遣魯肅、甘寧到益陽牽制關羽，呂蒙指揮孫皎、潘璋、呂岱、鮮于丹、徐忠、孫規等領兵二萬，攻取長沙、零陵、桂陽三郡。孫權住在陸口，為各路軍隊的指揮、調度。呂蒙軍隊一到，長沙、桂陽二郡全部歸服，同時通過書信令零陵太守郝普誘至開城投降，接著率軍與魯肅匯合。在單刀會魯肅嚴厲斥責劉備一方沒有信義，讓關羽無言以對。這個時候，曹操準備攻取漢中，劉備害怕丟失益州，便派使者求和停戰。劉備只能被逼把長沙、桂陽兩個郡以東歸還給孫權，同時孫權返還零陵給劉備，于是以湘水為界，江夏、長沙、桂陽屬孫權領有，南郡、武陵、零陵則為劉備領有。江夏郡南部是孫權攻破黃祖後一直領有並沒有借出，而當時江夏郡北部為曹操所擁有，在赤壁之戰後擁有荊州南郡（不包括曹操的襄陽）、南郡、長沙、零陵、武陵、桂陽及宜都領有權。

215年，孫權北征合肥。孫權作戰勇敢，進軍時與數名部將作為先頭部隊率先到達前線紮寨立營，因為大軍還沒有集結只有數名部將的軍隊，所以被張遼有機可乘突襲成功，後方部隊陸續到達前線，潘璋嚴懲手段回復戰線士氣，賀齊引後方中部隊拒擊，張遼因此撤回城內。之後進行圍城二十多天，因為瘟疫所以撤退。撤軍時孫權亦親自與四名部將及1000人在後方穩定士氣，張遼見此率七千人偷襲，當時孫權大軍已經全部撤出，兵力只有一千人不如張遼七千人，呂蒙、蔣欽、凌統、甘寧等在逍遙津以北被張遼所襲擊，呂蒙、凌統等拼死保護孫權，孫權弓馬嫻熟迎擊張遼，最後騎著駿馬飛躍津橋成功撤出。張遼在戰後對孫權的弓射騎術感歎，當魏軍知道這個弓騎勇將是孫權而悔恨沒有捉到他。

漢建安二十二年（216年）冬，曹操率二十六大軍（十幾萬人以上）再次伐吳出濡須，丹陽四郡（今安徽定量城）民帥尤突、費棧受曹操授權聯合山越，聚集數萬人起兵反叛。孫權即命賀齊和陸遜進兵征討。賀齊和陸遜大破尤突及費棧等眾，降服丹陽、吳郡、故鄣等三郡山越，得精兵數萬人。曹操屯軍至居巢（今安徽巢縣東北）準備進軍。孫曹交戰，關羽聯絡長沙郡縣長吳碭、袁龍再次發起叛亂，孫權派鎮守陸口的魯肅前去幫助呂岱，最終平定了叛亂。217年，曹操進攻濡須口，孫權便以呂蒙為督，與蔣欽共同擔任此戰的全軍指揮。孫權首先在前方築城保護濡須塢，二月，曹操軍開始進攻，孫權的築城部隊被逼攻，在城未完成之下被攻破而後退。曹操率大軍嘗試進攻濡須附近的橫江陸岸，孫權眾將乘船前往迎擊。當時遇上暴風，徐盛等人落到敵人大軍的陸岸之下，眾人不敢上陸，唯獨徐盛一人率將兵上岸突擊曹操大軍，曹操軍披靡敗走而且受到徐盛所重傷。之後呂蒙據守之前的濡須塢，並設置萬張強弓硬弩，以拒曹操。趁著曹操大軍被徐盛擊退，先鋒尚未安然立屯的時候，呂蒙乘此攻破了曹操大軍。周泰再追擊把曹操擊退，最終曹操攻不下孫權的濡須塢，亦被孫權軍等人擊敗而引大軍撤退。孫權擊敗曹操取得此戰勝利後，但因為劉備關羽等人的舉動以及後方山越問題，所以孫權更改外交戰略，為了休養生息通過謀略休戰，對漢朝詐降主動與曹操修好，曹操信以為真接受請降。魯肅非常後悔借出荊州給劉備，同時也怒斥劉備、關羽沒有信用。

聯曹與樊城之戰

漢建安二十三年（218年），魯肅死後呂蒙接替他在前線總指揮職務，並向孫權提出要警惕關羽，不依靠劉備獨立對抗曹操的建議，孫權經過多年獨力對抗曹操見識過劉備等人的反復態度，也讚同呂蒙提議，與關羽表面交好。

漢建安二十四年（219年），孫權得知劉備獲得漢中後，再次派諸葛瑾向劉備索還荊州的訴求，但劉備拒絕。時孫權派兵進攻合肥，曹操所屬的全部州郡軍隊都前往支援合肥與孫權相持，關羽乘著曹操軍防衛空虛而進攻樊城。諸侯身份的孫權打算以兒子向關羽女兒聯姻，但關羽拒絕並辱罵使者。後來關羽在樊城之戰俘虜于禁三萬降兵，並立馬把所有人送到江陵關押，城池還未攻下。曹操派人聯絡孫權，以荊州（包括荊州，也包括正被關羽圍攻的襄樊地區）為條件割讓希望孫權相助，但孫權沒有馬上答應。此前，孫權跟呂蒙分析局勢時，孫權想打徐州，但呂蒙認為應該打關羽的荊州，分析認為曹軍多為騎兵善於陸戰，徐州雖然拿得下來，但也守不住。不如著手準備拿下荊州，完全控制整條長江，對外進可攻退可守，對內下游的吳國也會十分安全。關羽俘虜于禁圍攻襄樊曹仁，孫權向關羽派兵增援，關羽嫌孫權增援慢大罵：「狢子（對東吳人的貶稱），等我滅了樊城之後，我回去還不把你滅了」。孫權知道關羽傲慢輕視自己，便寫信道歉。十月，孫權答應曹操的同盟請求，向漢朝廷申請討伐關羽，孫權和曹操兩軍撤兵引還，並命呂蒙等實施計劃。關羽假借食糧不足為藉口，對吳國湘水邊境侵略且搶奪軍需糧食。獻帝同意了孫權上書，以呂蒙為大督兼任先鋒，陸遜為右部督，孫皎為殿後，孫權則潛軍一同北上。呂蒙以白衣渡江之策計，在夜半時分計破連綿不斷的烽火台屏障，然後再占據南郡。關羽被徐晃等人擊退後，荊州輜重又被孫權襲擊，因此返還到當陽駐守麥城。孫權派使者對關羽勸降，關羽假裝答應，在城上立旗後逃跑。孫權知道後派潘璋和朱然截擊，呂蒙當時留在南郡指揮大局，陸遜則另率軍攻取宜都郡房陵等。呂蒙通過善政安撫荊州民心，把蜀漢軍家人的情況告訴給關羽軍，頓時間關羽部下失去戰意四散，關羽軍數萬人有的向孫軍投降，有的被孫軍的將軍吸納，最後在臨沮馬忠擒獲了關羽、關平等人。孫權想用關羽制衡曹劉打算再次招降關羽，左右文臣此時對主子孫權說狼子不可養，曹操當年收留關羽，如今換來遷都的惡果。孫權聽後只能把關羽斬首，並把首級送去給曹操，孫權則以諸侯的禮遇安葬關羽的遺體在當陽。自此荊州南北為曹、孫兩家佔有，于是孫權免除荊州百姓的所有租稅。曹操向漢獻帝上表任命孫權為驃騎將軍，假節兼任荊州牧，封南昌侯，同時也徵召了張承、劉基等人。

縱橫捭闔

漢建安二十五年（220年）年初，魏王曹操及吳大督呂蒙等名將相繼病故。曹丕繼位為魏王，適逢孫權軍還經過樊城和襄陽，朝中認為襄樊沒有穀糧所以不能與孫權對抗，而司馬懿認為孫權剛破關羽與魏結好不會與我們為敵，同時認為襄樊是水陸要衝不能放棄。但曹丕不聽還命曹仁焚燒襄、樊棄二城撤走。孫權沒有佔領，後來派陳邵佔領襄陽，曹丕派曹仁、徐晃重奪襄樊，而孫權因為與劉備大戰在即，且當時襄樊因為大水破壞城壁已經接近崩壞，因此孫權並未與暫時結好的曹魏為敵而放棄交戰，曹仁奪回了城池，而曹丕非常後悔自己的所為。劉備宣稱獻帝被害，於建安二十六年（221年）4月也登基稱帝。同年7月，藉以關羽報仇的名義討伐孫權欲吞併江東領土發動夷陵之戰，孫權自公安都鄂縣，以鄂縣等六縣設置武昌郡，進入備戰。孫權讓諸葛瑾寫信給劉備勸說他不要開戰希望和睦相處，並陳說利害分清楚敵人主次，不要上了曹魏的當，如果真要開戰他們也不會手軟，劉備不聽發兵東佂。11月，曹丕逼劉協禪讓，正式建號，是為魏文帝。孫權命都尉趙咨出使魏國承認曹丕的禪讓帝位，並以諸侯身份獨立勢力的形式藩屬，再將于禁等敗將送回北方，利用魏國確保北方安全，而當時曹丕對江東沒有任何實際支配權。孫權又派遣陳化、沈珩為使節進行外交事宜，曹丕派邢貞冊封孫權為諸侯藩王吳王及進立同盟關係，以大將軍使持節的身份監督交州，兼任荊州牧，孫權立長子孫登為王太子。當時，群臣勸孫權不應該受封吳王，應該自稱九州伯、上將軍，孫權則說當年劉邦也是受封了項羽的漢王，最後還是成就了偉業。

孫權派周泰準備向白帝城作攻防姿態，任命陸遜為大都督，率領朱然、韓當、駱統、潘璋、孫桓等領兵前往抵抗。曹丕處事浮華，在他守喪期間向孫權索求雀頭香、大貝、明珠、象牙、犀角、玳瑁、孔雀、翡翠、鬥鴨、長鳴雞，吳群臣聽後說這些是珍稀貴重物勸孫權不要給，孫權則認為現在大戰在即應該分清楚輕重，曹丕索求的珍品，對自己來說只是瓦片石頭罷了，我為什麼要愛惜？如果他在守喪所求的是這些，我們該如何道謝他。自負與虛榮的曹丕過於天真相信孫權而拒絕劉曄伐吳的建議，還說如果打投誠的人，將來就沒有人會來投誠。黃初三年（222年）六月，陸遜徹底擊敗蜀軍。蜀軍被斬殺和放下武器投降者有幾萬人。劉備被孫桓追至差點被擒獲，最後僅保得自身不死。當時，徐盛、潘璋、宋謙等人認為只要繼續追擊劉備，必能把他殺掉，但陸遜、朱然、駱統等認為不要追擊，他們察覺到曹丕有進攻江東的態勢。而孫權根據自己的判斷，採納陸遜等人的看法，下令不要對逃往白帝城方向的劉備展開追擊。

夷陵之戰後，孫權一直在自己領地橫江屯兵提防曹魏，曹丕派曹休襲擊孫權的領地曆陽又派兵進攻居巢，而周泰和全琮臨時交鋒，魏吳雙方大有殺傷。曹丕打算控制孫權，派侍中辛毗、尚書桓階前來東吳要求孫權將孫登送到魏國都城做人質，孫權知道其用意以藉口多次玩弄曹丕拖延時間，曹丕認為孫權誠心不款，於是發兵攻打江東，劉曄認為不會成功。夷陵之戰一結束，吳魏之間就開始有交戰態勢，曹丕派出三十萬大軍，命令曹休、張遼、臧霸出兵洞口，曹仁出兵濡須口，曹真、夏侯尚、張郃、徐晃率軍圍攻南郡。當時要處理揚州境內的山越問題，孫權故意示弱，謙卑上書誘騙曹丕，只是為了拖延曹丕進軍期限爭取平定山越內亂的時間，曹丕則相信他送兒子而沒有進軍，而另一方，孫權則派遣呂範、朱然、朱桓率領其他部將暗中部署。黃初三年（222年）十月，孫權把魏國捨棄，曹丕見孫權沒有送兒子來，正式開戰。孫權命呂範率領徐盛、孫韶、全琮、賀齊等人在水路抵禦曹休等，孫盛、諸葛瑾、潘璋、楊粲前往南郡增援朱然，朱桓接替周泰以濡須督的身份在濡須塢抵擋曹仁。三方面戰鬥中，曹仁被朱桓多個戰術配搭被打得大敗，曹休、張遼、臧霸則是強弩之末被呂範、徐盛、全琮、賀齊等人反擊而敗退，曹丕親自率軍在宛增兵支援前線，曹真、夏侯尚、徐晃、張郃、文聘、滿寵等則包圍了江陵，切斷了朱然與外部的所有聯絡，但仍然久攻不下受到瘟疫困擾只有五千人戰力的朱然，反被朱然出城擊破兩個軍屯，相持半年朱然仍然屹立不倒，兵少糧食將盡因此出現叛徒，朱然察覺異樣後將叛徒處刑，最終魏軍攻不下朱然而全軍撤退，此時諸葛瑾等追擊撤退的魏軍，進攻他們的浮橋，魏軍被逼退；此戰朱然名震魏蜀兩方敵國。最終在次年三月春，魏軍全部撤走，江南國境皆得安寧。戰事結束，孫權改年號為黃武，也是取代曹魏的延康、黃初二年號。另一邊，孫權收到在白帝城休養的劉備的求和信後，信中提及劉備對自己的所作所為感到慚愧，於是十二月派遣太中大夫鄭泉出使蜀漢，吳、蜀兩國開始有重新友好的跡象。

開創東吳

登基為帝

黃武二年（223年），孫權在江夏修築山城。改用乾象曆。夏四月，孫權的大臣們進勸他稱帝，孫權不答應。此前，魏國令吳領地的戲口太守晉宗造反殺同僚王直，騷擾江南國境，孫權因為三方面大戰分身不下而不能馬上消滅他。六月孫權派賀齊、胡綜等人率軍平定，最終擒獲晉宗。劉備死後，諸葛亮派鄧芝向東吳再次確立聯盟關係，孫權知道諸葛亮用意，也非常器重鄧芝，所以答應修好。孫權便斷絕同曹魏來往，派輔義中郎將張溫回訪蜀漢。

黃武五年（226年），孫權下令各州郡守，對百姓實行寬容安息政策。這時陸遜因駐守的地方缺糧，上表孫權，命令諸將廣開農田。七月，孫權聽說曹丕去世，率領五萬人進攻江夏郡。自己圍攻石陽城，另外派孫奐封鎖淮水的退路。曹叡派荀禹侵擾孫權後方陣地，因此撤退。另一方孫奐親率鮮于丹等攻降江夏郡高城，捕獲三名敵將。孫權任命全琮為東安郡太守，討伐山越的反叛。孫權分交州另置廣州，不久又複合為交州。

黃武七年（228年）五月，孫權命鄱陽太守周魴以斷髮詐降，假裝叛離東吳，引誘魏將曹休。爆發石亭之戰，秋八月，孫權前往皖口，派征西將軍陸遜率領朱桓、全琮在石亭大敗曹休。

黃龍元年（229年）夏四月十三日丙申（5月23日），統治江東三十年的孫權在南郊正式登基為帝，改年號為黃龍。四月，孫權大赦改年，在南郊拜天，即皇帝位，諸葛亮派衛尉陳震去東吳祝賀孫權登皇帝位，3個月後孫權把國都從武昌遷回建業。追謚父親孫堅為武烈皇帝，母親吳氏為武烈皇后，長兄孫策為長沙桓王。立吳王太子孫登為皇太子。將軍官吏都晉爵加賞。六月，蜀國派人前來慶賀孫權登基。孫權還禮，承認東西二帝共存，並與蜀漢使節商議平分天下。其中，豫、青、徐、幽四州屬吳；兗、冀、並、涼四州歸蜀。司州的土地，以函谷關為界分屬兩國，雙方制定盟書，共同聲討曹叡。秋九月，孫權從武昌遷都到建業，就住在原來的府第中，不再另建新宮殿，徵召上大將軍陸遜輔佐太子孫登，掌管武昌事宜。

即位早期

孫權即位後，曾多次派人出海。黃龍二年（230年），他派衛溫、諸葛直等航行到達夷洲；242年，他又派聶友等航行到珠崖儋耳（指現今的海南島）。

嘉禾元年（232年），孫權派遣將軍周賀等航海到遼東。十二月，遼東太守公孫淵向孫權稱藩。

嘉禾二年（233年），孫權派太常張彌、賀達等萬人，帶上金銀財寶奇貨異物，加上九錫，經海路送給公孫淵。舉朝大臣全都規勸孫權，認為公孫淵其人不可信，對他的恩寵禮遇不要太過分。孫權一意孤行，沒有接受規勸。後來公孫淵果然將張彌等殺死，以其首級並東吳賜予的金印送往曹魏邀功。孫權聞之，大感慚恨，企圖親自征討公孫淵，尚書僕射薛綜等極力諫阻，最終中止了這個計劃。

嘉禾三年（234年）二月，諸葛亮再次與兵北伐。諸葛亮集中在漢中十萬大軍全部出動，木牛流馬，運糧不停，同時相約東吳東西並舉。五月，東吳出兵，七月退兵。孫權下詔放寬徭役，夏五月，孫權派遣陸遜、諸葛瑾等駐軍江夏、沔口，派孫韶、張承等進軍廣陵、淮陽，孫權自己親率大軍進圍合肥新城，爆發合肥新城之戰後退兵回返，孫韶也停止進軍廣陵等地。秋八月，孫權任命諸葛恪為丹楊太守，討伐山越部族。次年，孫權派呂岱領兵討伐賊寇李桓等。

嘉禾六年（237年），孫權讓群臣討論奔喪立科、丞相顧雍奏請違法奔喪應處以死罪。此後吳縣縣令孟宗違法奔母喪歸家，事後在武昌將自己拘禁起來聽候處罰。陸遜向孫權說明孟宗的平時作為，並藉機為孟宗求情，孫權于是給孟宗減刑一等，並申明下不為例，于是違法奔喪的事絕跡。

即位後期

赤烏元年（238年），改年號為赤烏。當時，呂壹糾正豪族不法濫用私刑，呂壹本性苛刻殘忍，執法嚴酷。太子孫登屢次進諫，孫權都不採納，大臣們于是都不敢進言。後來呂壹奸邪的罪行敗露被處死，孫權自我批評，認錯誤，派中書郎袁禮代自己向曾經規勸但未被採納的大臣們致歉。

赤烏二年（239年），公孫淵不滿曹魏對其待遇不高，便又復叛魏國，自立為燕王，結果受到魏國司馬懿攻擊。公孫淵派遣使者向吳國求助。當時吳人都對公孫淵的反覆無常歷歷在目，勸說孫權斬殺使者。唯有羊衜說：「陛下，斬首公孫淵的使者固然能讓您出口惡氣，可這樣做是出了匹夫的怒氣，而放棄了霸王之計。臣以為，朝廷不如藉此機會，出奇兵前往以觀動靜。如果魏國進攻公孫淵失敗，那麼我軍遠赴遼東解救，是恩結于遠夷，義蓋于萬里；如果魏軍和公孫淵相持不下，公孫淵首尾不能相顧，那我軍正好進攻遼東，這樣也足以讓上天懲罰公孫逆賊，一雪往日之恥。」羊衜此言深得孫權讚許，于是派遣使者羊衜、鄭胄、將軍孫怡以海軍前往遼東。到達後遼東已經被魏軍攻下，公孫淵也被殺，同時當地人慘遭司馬懿屠城。因此，吳軍擊敗魏國守將張持、高慮等人，與當地百姓一同歸還。十月，孫權派遣將軍呂岱、唐咨前往平定叛亂。

傳位

赤烏四年（241年），太子孫登去世。孫權後立三子孫和為太子。孫權聽從百官封建諸子的意見，又立孫和之弟孫霸為魯王。但孫霸始終不服孫和。遂召集手下賓客及結交諸大臣，常與圍繞在孫和一側的太子黨分庭抗禮。赤烏十三年（250年），孫權決定廢黜太子孫和並賜死魯王孫霸，同時改立七子孫亮為皇太子。第二年冊立孫亮之母潘氏為皇后。

去世

太元元年（251年），冬十一月，孫權祭祀南郊回來後，就因風疾（相當於今稱中風）生病臥床。十二月，遣驛使傳書召大將軍諸葛恪回京，拜為太子太傅，孫權下詔省徭役、減征賦，將國家大事交給諸葛恪管理，並修改諸多不便法令。

太元二年（252年），孫權立原太子孫和為南陽王、五子孫奮為齊王、六子孫休為琅琊王。二月，大赦，改年號為神鳳。孫權曾有意召回孫和，但被孫魯班、孫峻等人阻止未果。

神鳳元年四月二十六日（公元252年5月21日），執掌江東政權長達五十二年的孫權於太初宮內殿中駕崩，享壽七十歲。滕胤與太子太傅諸葛恪、少傅孫弘、蕩魏將軍呂據、侍中孫峻等人一同受遺詔輔佐太子。孫權稱帝後在位23年。葬於建業蔣陵，謚大皇帝，廟號太祖。

主要成就

政治

穩定東南

孫權擔任家督弱冠繼承江南政權以來，對外招納人才培養部下，以懷柔策略籠絡不服從孫家的江南豪族，以白手興家統合內部對抗外壓，鞏固孫家政權在江南的地位，另一方面通過平定揚越叛亂進行強兵吸收老幼弱者補戶的政策，同時給予落後山越民提供漢文化的學習。諸侯時期的孫權不屬於任何一方，也沒有所謂的興漢滅漢的政治口號，故此可以根據時勢局勢發展，判斷哪一方有利用價值，並進行聯合的自由外交戰略獲取自己的利益。作為開創基業的帝王，孫權以出色的政治智慧及戰略判斷，深諳縱橫捭闔，最終締造一方霸業。赤壁之戰後加強控制江東，並將江東六郡擴展到揚、荊、交三州，積極開發南方的荒蕪之地，穩健控制中國東南。

用人方面

孫權在數年間將國土政權安定，以適才適所為第一原則，而不以輩分、資歷、交情、名氣為優先，深知人無完人，故此不追究缺點而用其優點的用人風格，處事也是嚴罰主義者，就算親族或功臣的家族犯罪，也會給予嚴刑處分。例如選擇寒門出身的周泰為平虜將軍，與孫權為同窗的朱然則身居其下，在夷陵之戰任命資歷尚淺的陸遜為大都督，許多人因是孫策舊將或者公室貴戚，一度有所不滿，但最終都心服口服，步騭雖然出身豪族，但是避難到江東而家道中落，但卻長期為孫吳鎮守一方，最終做到丞相一職。孫權亦能主動培養部下，同時對待功臣的態度是忘其短而貴其長。孫權以顧雍為丞相而非眾人所推薦的張昭，就是因為丞相位置處理的事情多且繁重，而張昭性情剛烈固執，不遵從他的意見則會埋怨歸咎到底，到時反而對公事沒有益處。對一眾孫氏宗親孫瑜孫桓孫韶皆委以重任，孫氏宗女皆嫁于國家重臣，即使是謀反者的後代也能不計前嫌。可見孫權對于同族親戚的重視。陳壽因此贊曰「況此諸孫，或贊興初基，或鎮據邊陲，克堪厥任，不忝其榮者乎」。

孫權擅長用人，更能信人，稱呼臣下常用表字，較少直呼其名，君臣關係之親密可見一斑。

崇尚節儉

孫權崇尚節儉，並效法大禹以卑宮為美，原本住的建業宮其實只是孫權早期的將軍府而已，一直住到赤烏十年(247年)建材腐朽，還詔令將武昌宮拆了，把木材運來建業修繕，但其實當時武昌宮也有二十八年的歷史不堪使用，這麼做的目的是節省木料避免妨礙農桑工作，由此也可知孫權對農業的重視。陸凱向孫皓勸諫時也稱孫權時代「後宮列女，及諸織絡，數不滿百，米有畜積，貨財有餘」。

法家思想

孫權認為法律可以遏惡防邪，主張以嚴刑峻法治國，即使面對至親也是法律優先從不循私。孫輔因通敵而被流放。愛子孫霸更因圖危太子，而被賜死。

治世

對內廣納諫言，任用父兄舊部穩定局面，平定叛徒和山越，攻滅殺父仇人黃祖，吸納北方難民。在一片降曹之聲時果斷與曹操一戰並與劉備結盟，任用周瑜打敗曹操穩定江南地盤，後來因為劉備一連串背離同盟關係的所作所為及荊州等問題而與蜀漢決裂，連本帶利奪回荊州並在夷陵之戰重創劉備，最終確立了三分天下的局面。黃龍元年（229年），孫權于武昌稱帝，建國為吳，孫吳建立。稱帝以後他分部諸將，鎮撫山越，增設縣邑，編制戶籍，設置農官，推行軍屯與民屯；收容南遷移民，興修水利，增廣農田；親自下田採用牛耕，大幅度改良農業生產技術，大興佛教，奠定了六朝的經濟與文化基礎。

在晚年大批豪族過分插手孫權的家事，而且分黨立派，造成政局動蕩不安，孫權對此非常不滿。之後孫權得知自己繼承人意向的消息外洩之後大為憤怒，並將相關人員等捉拿問罪。。後來孫權遭到豪族暗殺及背叛，所以在二宮之戰爆發後，通過部下彈劾而削弱豪族權力來鞏固政權，之後難能可貴的是孫權同時也具有認錯的勇氣，從陸遜一族陸抗陸凱陸機的著作來看，孫陸二家情誼仍然十分深厚，陸氏亦對孫權十分肯定。

由於孫權大力開拓海上事業並且開拓江南，因此在中國史上有非常重要的地位，很多南方縣市的歷史都是起源於孫吳。然而他死後的待遇與他的功績完全不成正比，詩人曾極在其作品《吳大帝陵》中提到「四十帝中功第一，壞陵無主使人愁」，劉克莊也在《吳大帝廟》中嘆息「今人渾忘卻，江左是誰開」。

軍事

孫權一生中勝多負少，戰果往往顯赫而敗績也少有損失。19歲即位之初就平定廬江太守李術之亂俘虜三萬餘人。在江夏之戰擊殺江夏太守黃祖，樊城之戰兵不血刃取得荊州並擊殺關羽，皖城之戰擊敗廬江太守朱光，俘虜數萬人。而在曹氏入侵的防禦戰赤壁之戰、濡須口之戰、曹丕三次伐吳、曹叡三方面伐吳等戰役皆取得勝利，以致曹氏終世不能過江,不果而還。劉備入侵的夷陵之戰中選擇當時不被人看好的陸遜為大都督，使得劉備全軍覆沒，「僅以身免」。合肥之戰雖然不能克，但傷亡亦不大。

經濟

北方戰亂，孫權也吸納南渡的北方民眾，其北方的手工技術也在江南得到發揚及應用。另外由於孫權積極擴張海上事業，並曾發兵遼東，因此江南造船業大大興盛。

首都建業原名秣陵，最初是一小縣，因孫權定都建業並開鑿運河而成為一流都市，被稱為六朝古都，現名南京。

外交

《吳曆》曰，黃武四年，扶南諸外國來獻琉璃。這是中國最早與南海諸國交流的記載。孫權主動派出朱應與康泰出訪南海各國，先後到過林邑（今越南中南部）、扶南（今柬埔寨）、西南大海州（今南洋群島）、大秦（羅馬）、天竺（今印度），並記下各國物產以利貿易奠定了南海貿易的基礎，回國後，二人分別撰寫《扶南異物志》及《外國傳》（又稱《吳時外國傳》），之後繼續派出使節進行南國宣化，同扶南、林邑、堂明（今柬埔寨）建立關係。，這是史無前例的事情，雖然南海諸國之前已與中國有接觸，但是由官方政府主動派出官員積極尋求國際貿易，孫權卻是創舉，貿易的範圍甚至到達了羅馬，並在建業接見了羅馬商人秦論。

《吳書》曰，孫權曾派使者出使遼東公孫淵，而後使者前往高句麗（今朝鮮及遼東一帶），成功說服高句麗王向孫權稱臣上貢。後高句麗被曹魏威脅殺吳使，使者謝宏提前得到消息後，先下手為強，直接動用武力劫持了三十多位高句麗貴族，高句麗王只能向吳賠禮謝罪，並獻上馬匹數百，謝宏遂放回高句麗人帶貢品回國。

容貌

《江表傳》中記載孫權方頤大口，眼神非常清澈明亮。漢朝遣使者劉琬為孫策加錫命之時看見孫權，形容孫權的相貌高大挺拔。劉備和張遼都看到孫權坐著時顯得很高，認為他軀幹較長，中國民國學者黎東方分析，只有不需要站著伺候人，而是坐著讓人伺候的貴人才會是所謂軀幹長而雙腿短的外形，古代這被視為大貴之相，劉備被形容為手長過膝也是基於同樣的道理。東晉名將桓溫的雄姿與氣質被劉惔評價為與孫權和司馬懿相同的人物。

《三國演義》裡孫權則被記載「碧眼紫髯，堂堂一表人才」。

在閻立本《十三帝王圖》之中，孫權為站姿，此為開國之君之意，身著的冕服應有天子十二章，在圖中有被畫出來的有「日、月、藻、火、黼」五章，其中日月為明，明火三章表示的是孫權振興經濟，教化百姓，讓其光明之面普照天下之意，藻則代表孫權稱帝隨時代順應天意而起，黼則表示孫權「能斷割」，這與三國志中孫權好俠養士仁而多斷的人格特質圖中孫權手持麈尾扇，表現了他的帝王風度，為十三帝王圖中唯一持扇者，「麈」是領隊大鹿尾，魏晉以來，尚清談，手執麈尾有「領袖群倫」含意，藝文類聚亦記載司馬懿見諸葛亮乘素輿、葛巾毛扇指揮三軍，嘆諸葛亮為名士，諸葛亮在《三國演義》中也常持羽扇指揮軍隊，扇子有善戰之意，因此蘇軾在《念奴嬌》形容周瑜時亦說周瑜「羽扇綸巾」談笑間強虜灰飛煙滅，孫權在位期間，赤壁與夷陵之戰均以少勝多，甚至取荊州而兵不血刃，足見他用人正確調度有方的善戰特質，因此辛棄疾會說「天下英雄誰敵手？曹劉，生子當如孫仲謀」。

性格

• 孫權性格寬宏開朗，仁愛而有決斷力，好俠養士，因此很早就與父兄齊名。由于非常重視集體的力量，能毫無保留地信任臣下，甚至部下死後代為教養其孤兒贍養其妻兒及其父母。也會調解部屬糾紛，亦下詔勿殺叛逃將領的妻子子女。孫權與臣下的親密關係也體現在稱呼其表字上，甚至是對于初見的潘濬，曾與陸遜當眾對舞，又將自身所穿衣物皆賜之。對于他國賢才，孫權也毫不掩飾地表達喜愛，如諸葛亮費禕鄧芝宗預等。孫盛因而稱許孫權盡心關愛部下，令其甘心為自己拼命，是東吳能夠立於江東的原因。

• 孫權天性活潑奔放，能言善辯，常常肆無忌憚地惡作劇、戲弄人，經常開些無關緊要的玩笑，即使是面對蜀漢來使也不例外。其本人亦參與配合部下的戲謔。

• 孫權善於外交，先以諸侯身份向曹魏稱臣，利用對方進行結盟避免兩面受敵。後來因為劉備乞求再次結盟所以孫權答應再次與蜀國結盟。三國之中，也是東吳最晚稱帝。臥薪嘗膽一詞出自蘇軾的《史記》原文為：「越王勾踐返國，乃苦身焦思，置膽於坐，坐臥即仰膽，飲食亦嘗膽也。」沒有特指「臥薪」，這是蘇軾為孫權而創作出來的成語，詩內蘇軾代入孫權，形容不求功名，一直密謀待發，養精蓄銳。陳壽亦提過「孫權屈身忍辱，任才尚計，有句踐之奇英，人之傑矣」，趙咨答曹丕時亦說「屈身於陛下，是其略也」。因孫權處世手段極其柔軟，曹丕和鐘繇也曾以嫵媚形容孫權，所以有詩歌詠孫權時說「孝廉嫵媚還能霸」。

• 孫權善于判斷國內外形勢，如認定魏延和楊儀會在諸葛亮死後內訌。也預見到曹魏亡國的先兆。

逸聞

孫權擅長騎術和弓術，在合肥面對張遼的突襲能平安躍馬過橋，他的弓術也給張遼留下了很深的印象。

孫權有六口寶劍，分別是白虹、紫電、闢邪、流星、青冥、百里。

關於孫權嗜好，其中射獵（射虎、射雉）與好酒和開宴會派對尤其出名。每當猛獸近前，孫權總是以親手擊打為樂趣。宴會中常常對部下進行勸酒，孫權喜好冒險，如頂著大風天坐船出航，乘輕船去見曹操軍隊， 密令甘寧夜襲曹營等等。

孫權也喜愛讀書，據其本人所言，其所涉獵內容涵蓋《詩經》、《尚書》、《禮記》、《左傳》、《國語》及三史（《史記》、《漢書》和《東觀漢記》），惟不曾研讀《周易》，孫權在書法上亦有成就，被認為擅長行書和草書。

在宗教方面，孫權早年信仰道術，與諸多方術之士交往甚密。主要人物為吳范、劉惇、趙達、姚光、介象等人。而被後世尊為道教天師的葛玄也與孫權有過交往。孫權也對當時的新宗教佛教非常開明，赤烏年間為高僧康僧會建立建初寺。

爭議

晚年政局動蕩

孫權因在家事上隨心所欲，表現的不在乎上下尊卑而招致陳壽的批評，稱其可比擬春秋時代的齊桓公，對外「有識士之明」，對內卻「嫡庶不分，閨庭錯亂」，最終在繼承人問題上埋下禍根，導致很長一段時間內國家都動蕩不安。裴松之則意見相反，認為孫權廢掉無罪的太子，雖然是開啟禍亂的前兆，但最多隻是東吳滅亡的次因而非主因，畢竟東吳滅亡已是孫權死後二十八年的事情，而且滅亡主因仍是暴君孫皓，即使孫權當時傳位於孫和，最後也是孫皓登基，國之滅亡的根本問題其實是出在為政者昏虐，並非只有孫權廢黜一事就能造成，如孫亮能保住國祚，或者孫休不早死，則孫皓不得繼位，孫皓不得登上皇位，則孫吳不會滅亡。陸遜的孫子陸機更著有《辯亡論上》《辯亡論下》詳細說明東吳亡國非因蜀國滅亡，而是孫權死後的當政者用人不當。

冊封問題

陳壽於《三國志》認為孫策為開國奠基人但子孫未被封為王爵，孫權於義儉矣。後人據此穿鑿附會，認定孫權對孫策有所怠慢，但是由尚書僕射存和胡綜的上書可知孫權以謙虛為美德，不願效仿漢代舊制過分尊崇皇族，在孫權諸子中，被孫權寵愛的次子孫慮也止在侯爵。另一愛子孫和在十九歲冊封為太子前也未獲王爵。群臣請立孫權餘下四子為王時也被孫權拒絕。至于孫權的孫輩中為諸王之子者，如皇太子孫登子吳侯孫英，南陽王孫和三子烏程侯孫皓、錢塘侯孫德、永安侯孫謙。魯王孫霸二子吳侯孫基、宛陵侯孫壹，也未有一人獲封為王爵。

孫盛從國家大局方面對陳壽的看法也表示了不同意見，認為當時天下局勢尚未統一，宜正名定本貴賤疏邈，不宜給與孫策之子更高的權力與爵位製造內亂機會，此為穩定局勢之必要行為，況天倫篤愛，孫權既已將孫策宗廟立於建業，應不會刻意吝於給予地位，這明顯是為了穩定國家局勢的必要處置方式。

從實際史料出發，孫權反倒有相當多不忘舊情的舉動，如孫盛所言為孫策建廟于建業並派太子祭祀。在赤烏年間再次為孫策進行厚葬，因呂范往日對其兄的幫助而對之大加溢美，以致嚴峻私下認為誇大其詞了，直到後來才信服。

評價

時人評價

• 孫策臨終傳權時：「舉江東之眾，決機於兩陳（陣）之間，與天下爭衡，卿（孫權）不如我。舉賢任能，各盡其心，以保江東，我不如卿。」（《三國志·吳書·孫破虜討逆傳第一》）

• 曹操於濡須之戰：「生子當如孫仲謀，劉景升（劉表）兒子若豚犬耳！」（《三國志·吳書·吳主傳第二》裴松之註引《吳歷》）於孫權稱臣時「此兒欲踞吾著爐炭上邪！」（《晉書·宣帝紀第一》）

• 劉備：「孫車騎長上短下，其難為下，吾不可以再見之。」

• 關羽：「鰂子敢爾，如使樊城拔，吾不能滅汝邪！」（《三國志·蜀書·關張馬黃趙傳第六》）

• 周瑜：「將軍以神武雄才，兼仗父兄之烈，割據江東，地方數千里，兵精足用，英雄樂業，尚當橫行天下，為漢家除殘去穢。」（《三國志·吳書·周瑜魯肅呂蒙傳第九》）「今主人親賢貴士，納奇錄異。」

• 魯肅：「將軍神武命世。」「孫討虜聰明仁惠，敬賢禮士，江表英豪，咸歸附之」（《三國志·蜀書·先主傳第二》裴松之註引《江表傳》）

• 邢貞：「江東將相如此，非久下人者也。」(《三國志·卷五十五·吳書十·程黃韓蔣周陳董甘凌徐潘丁傳第十》）

• 陸遜：「陛下（孫權）以神武之姿，涎膺期運，破操（曹操）烏林，敗備（劉備）西陵，禽羽（關羽）荊州，斯三虜者當世雄傑，皆摧其鋒。」（《三國志·吳書·陸遜傳第十三》）

• 諸葛亮：「海內大亂，將軍（孫權）起兵據有江東，劉豫州亦收眾漢南，與曹操並爭天下。今操芟夷大難，略已平矣，遂破荊州，威震四海。英雄無所用武，故豫州遁逃至此。將軍量力而處之：若能以吳、越之眾與中國抗衡，不如早與之絕﹔若不能當，何不案兵束甲，北面而事之！今將軍外託服從之名，而內懷猶豫之計，事急而不斷，禍至無日矣！」（《三國志·蜀書·諸葛亮傳第五》）「權有僭逆之心久矣」（《三國志·蜀書·諸葛亮傳第五》裴松之註引《漢晉春秋》）「孫將軍可謂人主，然觀其度，能賢亮而不能盡亮，吾是以不留。」（《三國志·蜀書·諸葛亮傳第五》裴松之註引《袁子》）「孫權據有江東，已歷三世，國險而民附，賢能為之用。」「議者咸以權利在鼎足，不能併力，且志望以滿，無上岸之情，推此，皆似是而非也。何者？其智力不侔，故限江自保；權之不能越江，猶魏賊之不能渡漢，非力有餘而利不取也。」

• 司馬懿：「權之稱臣，天人之意也。」（《晉書·宣帝紀第一》）

• 張遼：「向有紫髯將軍，長上短下，便馬善射。」

• 程昱：「權有謀。」（《三國志·魏書 ·程郭董劉蔣劉傳第十四》）

• 陳琳：「夫天道助順，人道助信，事上之謂義，親親之謂仁。盛孝章，君也，而權誅之，孫輔，兄也，而權殺之。賊義殘仁，莫斯為甚。乃神靈之逋罪，下民所同讎。辜讎之人，謂之凶賊。」（《檄吳將校部曲文》）

• 彭羕：「僕昔有事於諸侯，以為曹操暴虐，孫權無道，振威闇弱，其惟主公有霸王之器，可與興業致治，故乃翻然有輕舉之志。」（《三國志·卷四十·蜀書十·劉彭廖李劉魏楊傳第十》）

• 趙咨：「聰明仁智，雄略之主也」、「納魯肅於凡品，是其聰也；拔呂蒙於行陳，是其明也；獲於禁而不害，是其仁也；取荊州而兵不血刃，是其智也；據三州虎視於天下，是其雄也；屈身於陛下（曹丕），是其略也。」（《三國志·吳書·吳主傳第二》）

• 賈詡：「孫權識虛實，陸議見兵勢。據險守要，泛舟江湖，皆難卒謀也。用兵之道，先勝後戰，量敵論將，故舉無遺策。臣竊料群臣，無備、權對，雖以天威臨之，未見萬全之勢也。」（《三國志·魏書·荀彧荀攸賈詡傳第十》）

• 鄧芝：「大王命世之英。」

• 劉曄：「權無故求降，必內有急。權前襲殺關羽，取荊州四郡，備怒，必大興師伐之。外有強寇，眾心不安，又恐中國承其釁而伐之，故委地求降，一以卻中國之兵，二則假中國之援，以強其眾而疑敵人。權善用兵，見策知變，其計必出於此。」、「權雖有雄才，故漢驃騎將軍南昌侯耳，官輕勢卑。士民有畏中國心，不可強迫與成所謀也。不得已受其降，可進其將軍號，封十萬戶侯，不可即以為王也。夫王位，去天子一階耳，其禮秩服御相亂也。彼直為侯，江南士民未有君臣之義也。我信其偽降，就封殖之，崇其位號，定其君臣，是為虎傅翼也。權既受王位，卻蜀兵之後，外盡禮事中國，使其國內皆聞之，內為無禮以怒陛下。」（《三國志·魏書·程郭董劉蔣劉傳第十四》）

• 馮熙：「吳王體量聰明，善于任使。賦政施役，每事必咨。教養賓旅，親賢愛士。賞不擇怨仇，而罰必加有罪。臣下皆感恩懷德，惟忠與義。帶甲百萬，谷帛如山。稻田沃野，民無飢歲。所謂金城湯池，強富之國也。」

• 劉基：「大王以能容賢蓄眾，故海內望風。」

• 鐘繇：「顧念孫權，了更嫵媚。」（《三國志·魏書·鍾繇華歆王朗傳第十三》）

• 劉琬：「吾觀孫氏兄弟雖各才秀明達，然皆祿祚不終，惟中弟孝廉，形貌奇偉，骨體不恆，有大貴之表，年又最壽，爾試識之。」

後世評價

• 陳壽：「孫權屈身忍辱，任才尚計，有勾踐之奇，英人之傑矣。故能自擅江表，成鼎峙之業。然性多嫌忌，果於殺戮，暨臻末年，彌以滋甚。至於讒說殄行，胤嗣廢斃，豈所謂賜厥孫謀以燕冀於者哉？其後葉陵遲，遂致覆國，未必不由此也。」（《三國志·吳書·吳主傳第二》）「割據江東，策之基兆也，而權尊祟未至，子止侯爵，於義儉矣。」（《三國志·吳書·孫破虜討逆傳第一》）

• 陸凱：「自昔先帝時，後宮列女，及諸織絡，數不滿百，米有畜積，貨財有餘。先帝崩後，幼、景在位，更改奢侈，不蹈先跡。」（《三國志·吳書·潘濬陸凱傳第十六》）

• 孫楚：「吳之先主，起自荊州，遭時擾攘，播潛江表，劉備震懼，逃跡巴岷，遂依丘陵積石之固，三江五湖，浩汗無涯，假氣遊魂，迄于四紀，二邦合從，東西唱和，卒相扇動，拒捍中國。」

• 陸機：「曹氏雖功濟諸華、虐亦深矣、其民怨矣。劉公因險飾智、功已薄矣、其俗陋矣。吳桓王基之以武，太祖（孫權）成之以德，聰明睿達，懿度深遠矣。其求賢如不及，恤民如稚子，接士盡盛德之容，親仁罄丹府之愛。拔呂蒙於戎行，識潘濬於系虜。推誠信士，不恤人之我欺；量能授器，不患權之我逼。執鞭鞠躬，以重陸公之威；悉委武衛，以濟周瑜之師。卑宮菲食，以豐功臣之賞；披懷虛己，以納謨士之算。故魯肅一面而自讬，士燮蒙險而效命。高張公之德而省游田之娛，賢諸葛之言而割情慾之歡，感陸公之規而除刑政之煩，奇劉基之議而作三爵之誓，屏氣跼蹐以伺子明之疾，分滋損甘以育凌統之孤，登壇慷慨歸魯肅之功，削投惡言信子瑜之節。是以忠臣競盡其謀，志士鹹得肆力，洪規遠略，固不厭夫區區者也。故百官苟合，庶務未遑。」（《辯亡論》下）「用集我大皇帝，以奇蹤襲於逸軌，叡心發乎令圖，從政咨於故實，播憲稽乎遺風，而加之以篤固，申之以節儉，疇咨俊茂，好謀善斷，東帛旅於丘園，旌命交于塗巷。故豪彥尋聲而響臻，志士希光而影騖，異人輻輳，猛士如林。於是張昭為師傅，周瑜、陸公（陸遜）、魯肅、呂蒙之疇入為腹心，出作股肱；甘寧、凌統、程普、賀齊、朱桓、朱然之徒奮其威，韓當、潘璋、黃蓋、蔣欽、周泰之屬宣其力；風雅則諸葛瑾、張承、步騭以聲名光國，政事則顧雍、潘濬、呂范、呂岱以器任幹職，奇偉則虞翻、陸績、張溫、張惇以諷議舉正，奉使則趙咨、沈珩以敏達延譽，術數則吳范、趙達以禨祥協德，董襲、陳武殺身以衛主，駱統、劉基強諫以補過，謀無遺算，舉不失策。故遂割據山川，跨制荊、吳，而與天下爭衡矣。」（《辯亡論》上）

• 華譚：「賴先主承運，雄謀天挺，尚內倚慈母仁明之教，外杖子布廷爭之忠，又有諸葛、顧、步、張、朱、陸、全之族，故能鞭笞百越，稱制南州。」。「吳武烈父子皆以英傑之才，繼承大業。今以陳敏凶狡，七弟頑冗，欲躡桓王之高蹤，蹈大皇之絕軌，遠度諸賢，猶當未許也。」

• 裴松之：「孫權橫廢無罪之子，為兆亂。」「權愎諫違眾，信淵意了，非有攻伐之規，重複之慮。宣達錫命，乃用萬人，是何不愛其民，昏虐之甚乎？此役也，非惟闇塞，實為無道。」

• 孫盛：「盛聞國將興，聽於民；國將亡，聽於神。權年老志衰，讒臣在側，廢適立庶，以妾為妻，可謂多涼德矣。而偽設符命，求福妖邪，將亡之兆，不亦顯乎！」「觀孫權之養士也，傾心竭思，以求其死力，泣周泰之夷，殉陳武之妾，請呂蒙之命，育凌統之孤，卑曲苦志，如此之勤也。是故雖令德無聞，仁澤（內）著，而能屈強荊吳，僭擬年歲者，抑有由也。然霸王之道，期於大者遠者，是以先王建德義之基，恢信順之宇，制經略之綱，明貴賤之序，易簡而其親可久，體全而其功可大，豈委璅近務，邀利於當年哉？語曰「雖小道，必有可觀者焉，致遠恐泥」，其是之謂乎！」

• 虞溥：「性度弘朗，仁而多斷，好俠養士，始有知名，侔于父兄矣。」（《三國志·吳書·吳主傳第二》裴松之註引《江表傳》）

• 《荊州先德傳》：「權好嘲戲以觀人。」

• 王勃：「孫仲謀承父兄之餘事，委瑜肅之良圖，泣周泰之痍，請呂蒙之命，惜休穆之才不加其罪，賢子布之諫而造其門。用能南開交趾，驅五嶺之卒；東屆海隅，兼百越之眾。地方五千里，帶甲數十萬。」

• 謝鯤：「至於神鑒沉深，雖諸葛瑾之喻孫權不過也。」

• 朱敬則：「孫仲謀藉父兄之資，負江海之固，未敢爭盟上國，競鹿中原，自守未餘，何足言也。」（《全唐文》）

• 徐夤：「一主參差六十年，父兄猶慶授孫權。不迎曹操真長策，終謝張昭見碩賢。建業龍盤雖可貴，武昌魚味亦何偏。秦嬴謾作東遊計，紫氣黃旗豈偶然。」

• 司馬光：「文帝承父兄之烈，師友忠賢，以成前志，赤壁之役，決策定慮，以摧大敵，非明而有勇能如是乎？奄有荊揚，薄于南海，傳祚累世，宜矣。」（《歷代名賢確論·卷五十七》）

• 蘇軾：「親射虎，看孫郎。」（《江城子·密州出獵》）「孫權勇而有謀，此不可以聲勢恐喝取也。」

• 蘇轍：「吳大帝方其屬任賢將，抗衡中原，曹公憚之。及其老也，賢臣死亡略盡，喜諸葛恪之勁悍，越眾而付以後事。闥其用兵勞民之後，繼起大役，兵折于外，既歸而不能自克，將複肆志于僚友。恪既以喪其軀，而孫氏因之三世絕統，吳、越之民陷于炮烙之地，國隨以亡。彼以進取之資用進取之臣，以徼一時之功可耳，至于托六尺之孤，寄千里之命，而亦屬之斯人，其勢必至是哉。」（《欒城後集·孫仲謀》）「今夫曹操、孫權、劉備，此三人者，皆知以其才相取，而未知以不才取人也。世之言者曰：孫不如曹，而劉不如孫。」

• 謝採伯：「孫權運籌於內，劉備、諸葛亮、周瑜、關侯等，合謀並智，方拒得曹操，敗之於赤壁，亦未為竒政縁。」

• 何去非：「權之勇決進取，無以逮其父兄，然審機察變，持保江東，于權有焉。」（《何博士備論》）

• 辛棄疾：「千古江山，英雄無覓，孫仲謀處。」（《永遇樂·京口北固亭懷古》）「何處望神州，滿眼風光北固樓，千古興亡多少事，悠悠。不盡長江滾滾流。 年少萬兜鍪，坐斷東南戰未休，天下英雄誰敵手，曹劉。生子當如孫仲謀。」

• 呂祖謙：「孫權起于江東，拓境荊楚，北圖襄陽，西圖巴、蜀而不得。北敵曹操、西敵劉備，二人皆天下英雄。所用將帥，亦一時之傑。權左右勝之而後能定其國。及權國既定，曹公已死，丕、叡繼世，中原有可圖之釁。權之名將死喪且盡，權亦老矣。」（《吳論》）

• 晁補之：「吳人輕而無謀，自古記之矣。孫堅、孫策皆無王霸器。雖賴周瑜、魯肅輩輔權嗣立，亦權稍持重，故卒建吳國也。」（《雞肋集》）

• 蕭常：「權承父兄之資，勇而有謀，憤曹操竊國，嘗有討賊之志；烏林之捷，亦一時之雋功。其後關羽圍襄陽，降于禁，威振北方，操大懼，欲徙都以避之。權于是時，誠能與羽協力、東西並舉，則操可圖而漢室可興。今乃不然，反襲殺羽以媚曹氏，不能少降意于帝室之胄，而甘心臣賊，昭烈之不能混一區夏，由此故也。他日雖有犄角之功，亦無及矣。籲，惜哉！」（《蕭氏續後漢書》）

• 葉適：「權有地數千里，立國數十年，以力戰為強，以獨任為能。殘民以逞，終無毫髪愛利之意，身死而其後不複振，操術使之然也。」（《習學記言·讀吳志》）

• 元好問：「孫郎矯矯人中龍，顧盼叱吒生雲風。」

• 郝經：「東漢之衰，孫權承父兄之烈，尊禮英賢，撫納豪右，誅黃祖，走曹操，襲關侯，遂奄有荊颺，今年出濡須，明年戰合肥，嶷然勢常北向，而以守為攻，稱臣於魏，結援於漢，始忍勾踐之辱，終為熊通之譖，保據江淮，奄征南海，卒與漢魏鼎峙而立，先起而後亡，非惟智勇足抗衡，亦國勢便利然也。」（《續後漢書》）

• 胡三省：「當方面者，當如呂岱；委人以方面者，當如孫權。」（《資治通鑒注》）

• 朱元璋：「君臣之間，以敬為主。敬者，禮之本也。故禮立而上下之分定，分定而名正，名正而天下治矣。孫權蓋不知此，輕與臣下戲狎，狎其臣而褻其父，失君臣之禮。」（《明太祖寶訓》）

• 羅貫中在《三國演義》有詩贊曰：「紫髯碧眼號英雄，能使臣僚肯盡忠，二十四年興大業，龍磐虎踞在江東。」

• 孫承恩：「仲謀強明，委任才智。聽言能斷，業乃鼎峙。倍義負漢，屈身事曹。傳世四君，霸圖亦消。」（《文簡集·卷三十八》）

• 王夫之：「于是而知先主之知人而能任，不及仲謀遠矣。」「于子瑜也、陸遜也、顧雍也、張昭也，委任之不如先主之于公，而信之也篤，豈不賢哉？」（《宋論·卷一·太祖》）

• 王懋竑：「至權時，張昭、張紘雖見尊禮而不複任用，昭且幾不免，而翻竟以竄死，惟顧雍、潘濬輩從容諷議，得安有位。陸遜有大功，而以數直諫憤恚而卒。周瑜、魯肅幸已早死，不與陸遜同禍，而亦恩不及嗣。有所愛重者，惟呂蒙、凌統、甘寧、周泰輩，以視策萬萬不逮矣。其保有江東者，以有呂蒙輩為之用，得其死力，而其不能廓大基業，窺中原者，亦以此。」（《三國志集解》）

• 趙翼：「至孫氏兄弟之用人，亦自有不可及者。」「以人主而自悔其過，開誠告語如此，其誰不感泣？使操當此，早挾一『寧我負人，勿人負我』之見，而老羞成怒矣！此孫氏兄弟之用人，所謂以意氣相感也。」

• 王鳴盛：「孫權稱臣事魏已久，及黃武元年春大破蜀，劉備奔走，勢愈強盛，則魏欲與盟而不受，九月魏兵來征，又卑辭上書求自改悔，乞寄命交州乃隨，又改年臨江拒守，彼此互有殺傷，不分勝負。十二月又通聘于蜀，乃既和于蜀，又不絕于魏，且業已改元而仍稱吳王。五年令曰北虜縮竄，方外無事，乃益務農畝，稱帝之舉，直隱忍以至魏明帝太和三年，而後發，反覆傾危，惟利是視，用柔勝剛，陰謀狡猾，史評以勾踐相比，非虛語也。」（《三國志集解》）

• 何焯：「老悖昏惑，吳亡不待皓而決。」

• 李慈銘：「三國時，魏既屢興大獄，吳孫皓之殘刑以逞，所誅名臣，如賀邵、王蕃、樓玄等尤多。少帝之誅諸葛恪、滕胤，皆逆臣專制，又當別論。惟大帝號稱賢主，而太子和被廢之際，群臣以直諫受誅者，如吾粲、朱據、張休、屈晃、張純等十數人，被流者顧譚、顧承、姚信等又數人，而陳正、陳象至加族誅，籲，何其酷哉！自是宮闈之釁，未有至此者也。」（《越縵堂讀書筆記》）

• 蔡東藩：「黃祖本無才智，而孫堅死于祖手；孫策又不能親複父仇，命為之，勢為之也。堅阻于命，策限于勢；至權承父兄之業，用瑜蒙諸將，一出再出，方舉黃祖而梟夷之，春秋之義大複仇，如孫仲謀者，其固不愧為令子乎？曹操謂生子至如孫仲謀，若劉景升諸兒，與豚犬等，原非虛言。」「孫權承父兄遺業，任才尚計，史謂其有勾踐遺風，乃內寵相尋，晚年益憒，廢長立幼，亂本已成。」（《後漢演義》）

• 盧弼：「竊謂有勾踐之志則可，無勾踐之志則終為奴虜而已，南宋其已事也。仲謀操縱其間，以江東而抗衡大國承祚，方之勾踐其信然矣。」（《三國志集解》）

• 柏楊：「孫權是中國曆史上最可愛最有人情味的皇帝之一。」

• 李宗吾：「他和劉備同盟，並且是郎舅之親，忽然奪取荊州，把關羽殺了，心之黑，仿佛曹操，無奈黑不到底，跟著向蜀請和，其黑的程度，就要比曹操稍遜一點；他與曹操比肩稱雄，抗不相下，忽然在曹丞相駕下稱臣，臉皮之厚，仿佛劉備，無奈厚不到底，跟著與魏絕交，其厚的程度也比劉備稍遜一點。他雖是黑不如操，厚不如備，卻是二者兼備，也不能不算是一個英雄。」

• 毛澤東：「孫權是個很能幹的人。」「當今惜無孫仲謀。」（《毛澤東讀古書實錄》）「天下無所謂才,有能雄時者，無對手也。以言對手，則孟德、仲謀、諸葛而已。」（《講堂錄》）

• 金春澤：「夫欲滅吳蜀而一天下者，曹操也，欲討曹操以興復漢室者，劉備也，欲保守江東，未嘗敢有并天下之志者，孫權也，未嘗敢有并天下之志而強為大言以自壯者，又孫權也。觀於孫策之謂權曰，舉江東之衆，決機於兩陳之間，與天下爭衡，卿不如我，舉賢任能，各盡其心，以保江東，我不如卿。知權莫如策，其所期，固不越於江東，周瑜薦魯肅，權問計，肅曰，漢室不可復興，曹操不可卒除，為將軍計，惟有保守江東。其謀臣之計，亦止如此。嗟夫。權誠自量，而惟以江東為意，則率周瑜、魯肅之徒，佐劉備討曹操，以定天下。身為功臣之首，奉藩江東，世世稱孤，豈不名正理得，其身安樂，而權之慮不及此者，誠謂若是，則不能復為大言也。是以曹、劉角立，而權於其間，反覆不常，或破曹或侵劉，或稱臣於曹，或連和於劉，其計未嘗素定而已。然坐江東而為大言，則又自若也。觀於其所論三臣之言，亦可知已。其言曰，公瑾雄烈， 膽略兼人，遂破孟德，邈焉寡儔。子敬與孤燕語，便及大略，孟德率數十萬眾，水陸俱下，獨勸孤呼公瑾付任，後雖勸我借玄德地，一短不足以損二長。孤常以比鄧禹也。子明果敢有膽，籌策奇至，圖取關羽，勝于子敬，又曰，子敬雲，帝王之起，自有驅除，羽不足忌，此子敬內不能辦，外為大言耳。權以區區才智，割據一隅，與數三謀臣，圖議國事，其本末略具于此。夫以曹操之彊，劉備之義，關羽之勇，萃于一時，而權之臣，破孟德則為功，取關羽則為能，勸借玄德地則為短，是其勢，豈不傑然特立于天下哉。而乃又以魯肅驅除之說為大言，此所以未嘗敢有并天下之志。而其後有稱臣、連和之事，亦其勢然也。然權方且責人之大言，而權之大言又甚，其比魯肅于鄧禹是也。禹之初見光武曰，願明公延攬英雄，務悅人心，立高祖之業，救萬民之命。只此數言，與肅何如也。安有英雄之士，遇人主于草昧之間，而其所獻計，乃曰漢室不可興，曹操不可除。夫成大業者，舉大名，未知吳之君臣所舉何名。而肅而為禹，誰不為禹者，然且自諂其臣，而身欲為光武以自壯。則此權所以不肯佐劉備定天下也。」（《北軒集》卷8, 史論, 孫權三臣之論）

• 成大中：「孫權之獲關羽也，宜用曹操法，待以上賓，享以美姬珍羞，而盡除其爪牙，則入圈之虎，安所用其猛哉。必自愧死爾。不然，數其罪而縱之，羽豈能去哉。羽自刎于吳纛之下也。乃獲便殺之，由積畏之也。正自露吾之拙，而成彼之名也。曹操肯為此耶。使羽名烈，至今與日月爭光者，權實成之也。故從古殺俊士者，適足成其名也。禰衡尚然，況關羽哉。」（《靑城雜記》卷4 醒言）

家庭

祖父

• 孫鍾 孫堅父

父母

父

• 孫堅 父親，孫權稱帝後追諡為武烈皇帝

母

• 吳夫人 母親，孫權稱帝後追諡為武烈皇后

兄弟姊妹

兄弟

• 孫策 長兄，東吳奠基者，孫權稱帝後追諡為長沙桓王

• 孫翊 三弟，丹楊太守，性格驍悍果烈，有孫策之風

• 孫匡 四弟，舉茂才，早逝。

• 孫朗 五弟，庶出

姐姐

• 孫氏，嫁給曲阿人弘咨，有子弘繆（一說是孫）

• 孫氏，女兒陳氏為潘濬子潘秘妻，也有陳氏是孫權乳母女的說法

妹妹

• 孫夫人，嫁劉備，三國演義中稱孫仁，戲劇中稱孫尚香

異姓兄長

• 周瑜（吳夫人命其以兄事之）

表親兄弟

• 徐琨（亦是徐夫人的生父）

• 吳奮

• 吳祺

后妃

• 謝夫人，正室，謝煚之女，謝承之姐

• 徐夫人，正室，徐琨之女，孫登之養母

• 潘皇后，皇后，生孫亮

• 步夫人，妃嬪，追贈皇后，生有孫魯班、孫魯育二女。

• 王夫人，妃嬪，追諡大懿皇后，王盧九之女，生孫和

• 王夫人，妃嬪，追諡敬懷皇后，生孫休

• 袁夫人，妃嬪，袁術之女

• 趙夫人，妃嬪，趙達之妹，為中國最早記載的女畫家，也是蚊帳的發明者，有針絕、機絕、絲絕三絕之稱的才女。

• 仲姬，妃嬪，生孫奮。

• 謝姬，妃嬪，孫霸子孫基和孫壹的祖母，應是孫霸的生母。

• 史書沒有記載孫登、孫慮及孫權次女的生母，她們可能不在上述后妃之內。

子女

子

• 孫登，字子高，孫權長子。

• 孫慮，字子智，孫權次子。

• 孫和，字子孝，孫權三子。

• 孫霸，字子威，孫權四子。

• 孫奮，字子揚，孫權五子。

• 孫休，字子烈，孫權六子，被擁立為孫吳第三任皇帝。

• 孫亮，字子明，孫權七子，繼任為孫吳第二任皇帝。

女

• 孫魯班，字大虎，孫權長女，先配周循，後配全琮。

• 孫氏（待考），孫權次女。劉纂妻，早卒。

• 孫魯育，字小虎，孫權三女，先配朱據，後配劉纂。

• 孫氏（待考），滕胤妻。

養子

• 凌烈，凌統長子。凌統死時只有數歲，被孫權接到宮中撫養。長大後領父兵。封為亭侯。

• 凌封，凌統次子，與兄一同被撫養。兄凌烈犯罪被免官後，襲其爵位、士兵。

孫子

• 孫皓，吳大帝孫權之孫，為吳末帝

藝術形象

戲劇 / 電影

• 麗的電視本港台電視劇集《三國春秋》（1976年）：由胡楓飾演孫權。

• 香港邵氏電影《神通術與小霸王》（1983年）：由鄧偉豪飾演孫權。

• 亞洲電視（ATV）《諸葛亮》（1985年）：由徐正運飾演孫權。

• 香港亞洲電視電視劇《諸葛亮》（1985年）：由吳仕德飾演孫權。

• 香港中國長河影業公司《神通》：由馬景飾演孫權。

• 中國中央電視台電視劇《三國演義》（1994年）：由惲漿錚（女）飾演少年孫權，吳曉東飾演成年孫權。在日語版《三國演義》中由鳥海勝美為少年孫權配音，小杉十郎太為成年孫權配音。

• 中國電視劇《東方小故事之添字得驢》（1994年）：由高原飾演孫權。

• 台灣華視電視劇《三國英雄傳之關公》（1996年）：由李興文飾演孫權。

• 電影《諸葛孔明》（1996年）：由彭志義飾演孫權。

• 電影《一代梟雄曹操》（1999年）：由彭志義飾演孫權。

• 中國中央電視台電視劇《武聖關公》（2004年）：由李東橋飾演孫權。

• 電影《赤壁》（2008年）/ 電影《赤壁：決戰天下》：由張震飾演孫權。

• 台灣民視/八大電視電視劇《終極三國》（2009年）: 由修杰楷飾演。

• 中國電視劇《三國》（2010年）：由鄭偉（少年）、張博飾演孫權。

• 中國電視劇《廉石傳奇》（2010年）：由羅嘉良飾演孫權。

• 香港無綫電視電視劇《回到三國》（2012年）：由敖嘉年飾演孫權。

• 中國電視劇《武神趙子龍》（2016年）：由賀剛飾演孫權。

• 中國電視劇《大軍師司馬懿之軍師聯盟》（2017年）：由丁海峰飾演孫權。

• 電影《新解釋·三國志》（2020年）：由岡田健史飾演孫權。

• 周顯揚執導電影《真·三國無雙》（2021年）：由盧展翔飾演孫權。

動漫作品

• 真三國無雙系列 / 無雙OROCHI系列（光榮公司開發，菅沼久義配音）

• 蒼天航路（王欣太）

• 火鳳燎原（陳某）、火鳳燎原外傳小說《伯符》（王貽興）:設定為山無陵之義弟、義姐夫為司馬懿、劉大之得意弟子，於孫策討伐嚴白虎時帶領「敗將」成員徐盛和潘璋協助孫策，並於孫策攻下會稽時以「江東二喬」以脅迫喬老爺歸順孫策，其後二喬被迫分別下嫁於孫策和周瑜，晚年因孫登在狩獵時神秘中箭而死，間接釀成二宮之爭。

• 三國志（橫山光輝）

• 三國志

• 三國演義

• 《BB戰士三國傳》

• 《SD高達世界 三國創傑傳》