Early life

Temür was born the third son of Zhenjin of the Borjigin and Kökejin (Bairam-Egechi) of the Khunggirad on October 15, 1265. Because Kublai's first son Dorji died early, his second son and Temür's father, Zhenjin, became the crown prince. However, he died in 1286 when Temür was 21 years old. Kublai remained close to Zhenjin's widow Kökejin, who was high in his favor. Like his grandfather Kublai, Temür was a follower of Buddhism.

Temür followed his grandfather Kublai to suppress the rebellion of Nayan (Naiyan) and other rival relatives in 1287. Then he and Kublai's official, Oz-Temür, came to guard the Liao River area and Liaodong in the east from Nayan's ally, Qadaan, and defeated him. Kublai appointed Temür the princely overseer of Karakorum and surrounding areas in July 1293. Three Chagatai princes submitted to him while he was defending Mongolia (they fled to Chagatai Khanate soon and returned to Yuan dynasty again during the reign of Temür).

After Kublai Khan died in 1294, Kublai's old officials urged the court to summon a kurultai in Shangdu. Because Zhenjin's second son Darmabala had already died in 1292, only his two sons, Gammala and Temür, were left to succeed. It was proposed that they hold a competition over who had better knowledge of Genghis Khan's sayings. Temür won and was declared the emperor.

Reign

Temür Khan was a competent emperor of the Yuan dynasty. He kept the empire the way Kublai Khan left it though he did not make any great achievements. He continued many of Kublai Khan's economic reforms and tried to recover the economy from the expensive campaigns of Kublai Khan's reign. He allowed the empire to heal from the wounds of particularly the Vietnam Campaign. Many other high posts of his empire were filled with people of different origin, including Mongols, Han Chinese, Muslims and a few Christians.

Ideologically, Temür's administration showed respect for Confucianism and Confucian scholars. Shortly after his accession, Temür issued an edict to revere Confucius. Temür appointed Harghasun, who was particularly close to the Confucian scholars, right grand chancellor in the secretariat. Nevertheless, the Mongol court did not accept every principle of Confucianism. Temür bestowed new guards and assets on his mother and renamed her ordo (great palace-tent or camp) Longfugong palace, which became a center of Khunggirad power for the next few decades. Mongol and westerner statesmen were assisted by an array of Chinese administrators and Muslim financers. The most prominent Muslim statesman was Bayan (Баян), great-grandson of Saiyid Ajall Shams al-Din, who was in charge of the Ministry of Finance. Under Mongol administrators Oljei and Harghasun, the Yuan court adopted policies that were designed to ensure political and social stability. Orders were given that portraits be painted of the khagans and khatuns during the reign of Temür.

The number of the Tibetans in the administration gradually increased. The Khon family of Tibet was honored, and one of them became an imperial son-in law in 1296. Temür reversed his grandfather's anti-Taoist policy and made Taoist Zhang Liusun co-chair of the Academy of Scholarly Worthies. In 1304, Temür appointed the Celestial master of Dragon and Tiger Mountain as head of the Orthodox Unity School. He banned sales and distillation of alcohol in Mongolia in 1297, and the French historian René Grousset applauded his activity in the book, The Empire of Steppes.

Temür was opposed to imposing any additional fiscal burden on the people. Exemptions from levies and taxes were granted several times for part or all of the Yuan. After his enthronement, Temür exempted Khanbaliq (Dadu, modern Beijing) and Shangdu from taxes for a year. He also exempted the Mongol commoners from taxation for two years. In 1302 he prohibited the collection of anything beyond the established tax quotas. The financial state of the government deteriorated, however, and the draining of monetary reserves greatly weakened the credibility of the paper currency system. Corruption among officials of the Yuan became a problem.

During the last years of Temür, a peace among the Yuan dynasty and the western Mongol khanates (Golden Horde, Chagatai Khanate, Ilkhanate) was achieved around 1304 after the Kaidu–Kublai war that had lasted for more than 30 years and caused the permanent division of the Mongol Empire. Temür Khan was recognized as their nominal suzerain. While the peace itself was short-lived and the war soon resumed, this established the nominal supremacy of the Yuan dynasty over the western khanates that lasted for a few decades.

Because his only son Teshou died a year earlier (January 1306), Temür died without a male heir, in the capital Khanbaliq on February 10, 1307.

Southeast Asia

Soon after his enthronement in 1294, Temür called off all preparations for further expansions to Japan and the Đại Việt, whose new ruler ignored his grandfather's envoy in 1291. Temür sent his messengers to Japan and Champa to demand submissions. Champa accepted the terms, but Kamakura shogunate declined, and the Japanese Wokou attacked Ningbo in Zheijiang province late in his reign. The rulers of Đại Việt, Burma, and Sukhotai visited Khanbalik to greet him as their overlord in 1295, 1297, and 1300. In response to the visit from the prince of Burma, he aborted the Burmese campaign and said to all his ministers: "They are our friendly subjects. Do not attack their people". Temür also released envoys of Đại Việt to show his goodwill, and the Tran court began to send tributary missions. But Temür's government had to quell rebellions in the southwestern mountainous area, led by tribal chieftains like Song Longji and female leader Shejie in 1296. It took long months for the generals Liu Shen and Liu Guojie to suppress these rebellions.

By the request of the Burmese prince, Tribhuvanaditya, Temür dispatched a detachment of the Yuan army to Burma in 1297. They successfully repelled the Shans from Myanmar. Temür also received envoys from Siam and Cambodia. He dispatched Zhou Daguan to Khmer Cambodia in 1296, and Zhou wrote an account about his journey. In 1299 Athinkaya murdered his brother Tribhuvanaditya, who submitted to Temür in 1297. In 1300, a punitive expedition was launched against Burma for dethroning Temür's protectorate, Tribhuvanaditya. The Shan warlords of Babai-Xifu, who were quarreling over the royal succession of Pagan, also raided the Yuan realms. Temür sent his Yunnan-based force in turn to halt the advance of Babaixifu (Lanna Kingdom of Chiangmai) in 1301–1303. Although those campaigns were fruitless, Athinkaya and the Shan lords offered their submission. The costly expedition spurred rebellions of a Yunnan official, Song Longji, and the Gold-Tooths (ancestors of the Dai people) in 1301–03. The revolts were eventually suppressed. After Temür Khan ordered to withdraw his army from Burma, Central and southern Burma soon came under the Tai rulers who paid nominal tribute to the Yuan dynasty.

Ancestry

生平

至元二十二年農曆十二月十日（1286年1月5日），皇太子真金去世，元世祖欲立真金次子答剌麻八剌為皇太子，但1292年答剌麻八剌因病去世。至元三十年（1293年）真金三子鐵穆耳受皇太子寶，總兵鎮守漠北和林。至元三十一年農曆正月二十二日（1294年2月18日），元世祖忽必烈去世，被封為晉王的真金長子甘麻剌決定要繼續鎮撫北方，鐵穆耳得以在其母闊闊真與大臣伯顏等人的支持下，於至元三十一年農曆四月十四日（1294年5月10日）在上都大安閣即位，是為元成宗。

鐵穆耳即位後停止對外戰爭，罷征日本、安南，專力整頓國內軍政，減免江南部分賦稅。並推行限制諸王勢力、新編律令等措施，使社會矛盾暫時緩和。

在位期間基本維持守成局面，但濫增賞賜，入不敷出，國庫資財匱乏，「向之所儲，散之殆盡」，中統鈔迅速貶值。曾發兵征討八百媳婦（在今泰國北部），引起雲南、貴州地區動亂。晚年患病，委任皇后卜魯罕和色目人大臣，朝政日漸衰敗。

大德九年六月初五（1305年6月27日），元成宗冊立皇子德壽為皇太子，元成宗有數子，只有德壽皇太子為伯牙吾·卜魯罕皇后所生。 同年十二月十八日（1306年1月3日），德壽因病去世。德壽去世後，成宗在生前未再立皇太子。

大德十一年農曆正月初八日（1307年2月10日），成宗在大都玉德殿病逝，享年42歲 , 在位13年。

晚年患病，委任皇后卜魯罕和色目人大臣，朝政日漸衰敗。鐵穆耳後繼無人，埋下了元朝中期皇位爭奪戰的隱患。廟號成宗，謚號欽明廣孝皇帝。蒙古汗號完澤篤可汗。

尊謚廟號

大德十一年九月十一日（1307年10月7日），元武宗為鐵穆耳上謚號欽明廣孝皇帝，廟號成宗，蒙古語稱號完澤篤皇帝。

《成宗皇帝謚冊文》，內容如下：

成宗實錄

至大元年三月二十日（1308年4月11日），元武宗命翰林國史院纂修《順宗實錄》、《成宗實錄》。

皇慶元年十月二十六日（1312年11月25日），翰林學士承旨玉連赤不花等向元仁宗進呈《順宗實錄》、《成宗實錄》、《武宗實錄》。其中，《成宗實錄》包括《成宗皇帝實錄》56卷，《事目》10卷，《制詔錄》7卷，總計73卷。明朝初年史官修《元史》，參照實錄修成《成宗本紀》4卷，《成宗實錄》今已失傳，其主幹內容保存在《成宗本紀》中。

玉連赤不花等《進三朝實錄表》，內容如下：

四大汗國重新承認元朝的宗主地位

大德五年（1301年）秋，元軍與窩闊台汗國的海都和察合台汗國的篤哇會戰于金山附近的鐵堅古山。元軍先敗海都。篤哇後至，兩軍再戰。雙方互有勝負，但都受到重創。海都、篤哇在會戰中負傷，海都于1302年去世。

欽察汗國的東部藩屬朮赤長子斡兒答家族白帳汗封地原先與大汗的直轄地相連。窩闊台汗國的海都興起後，隔斷了元朝與朮赤家族領地的直接聯繫。與海都接壤的白帳汗系宗王古亦魯克為爭奪汗位，投靠海都、篤哇。古亦魯克的對手伯顏汗曾遣使元朝，要求雙方聯合作戰。元朝的軍隊攻擊海都，從謙州深入欽察汗國控制下的亦必兒·失必兒之地（今俄羅斯鄂畢河中游地區）。

大德六年（1302年），欽察汗國脫脫汗和白帳汗伯顏汗出兵2萬，與元成宗的軍隊聯合進攻篤哇和察八兒。此後欽察汗國承認元朝的宗主地位，長期與元朝維持友好關係。

1301年的鐵堅古山之戰對于元與西北宗藩的關係有決定性的影響，1302年海都去世，到了大德七年（1303年），篤哇扶立察八兒為窩闊台兀魯思汗。篤哇暗中向元朝駐守在哈剌和林邊境的安西王阿難答派出使臣，向元成宗表示臣服，請求朝廷罷兵。成宗同意約和。獲得元廷支持後，篤哇與察八兒等聚會，到會諸王一致認識到，與朝廷進行長達數十年的戰爭是「自傷祖宗之業」。

大德七年（1303年）秋，篤哇以及海都之子察八兒約和使臣到達元廷。元廷與西北諸王達成和議，西北諸王承認元朝的宗主地位，設驛路，開關塞。自從1260年忽必烈與阿里不哥爭位以來，元朝西北邊境的戰火終于基本平息，元朝的宗主地位得到四大汗國的正式承認。

接著，他們又聯合遣使到伊兒汗國、欽察汗國王庭，大德八年（1304年）秋，伊兒汗完者都在木乾草原會見欽察汗脫脫的使臣，西北四大汗國彼此之間的約和也至此完成，整個蒙古帝國境內再次迎來了和平。

家庭

父母

• 父親：真金太子，1261年被封為燕王，1273年被封為皇太子，1286年去世，1293年元世祖上謚號明孝太子，1294年元成宗追尊真金為皇帝，為真金上廟號裕宗，漢文諡號文惠明孝皇帝。

• 母親：闊闊真王妃，1294年元成宗登基後尊為皇太后，1300年去世後元成宗上謚號徽仁裕聖皇后

兄弟姐妹

• 大哥：甘麻剌，1290年封為梁王，出鎮雲南，1292年改封晉王，移鎮漠北，1302年去世，1324年元泰定帝追尊為皇帝，為甘麻剌上廟號顯宗，漢文謚號光聖仁孝皇帝。母親闊闊真王妃

• 二哥：答剌麻八剌，1286年真金太子去世後元世祖本打算立為皇太子，但因病1292年去世，1307年元武宗追尊為皇帝，為答剌麻八剌上廟號順宗，漢文諡號昭聖衍孝皇帝。母親闊闊真王妃

• 趙國公主 忽答迭迷失，下嫁闊里吉思

• 魯國公主 南阿不剌，下嫁蠻子台

妻妾

• 失憐答里皇后，去世于1294年成宗登基之前，1310年追謚貞慈靜懿皇后

• 卜魯罕皇后

• 忽帖尼皇后

子女

• 兒子：元成宗有四個兒子，但只有德壽皇太子為失憐答里皇后所生。

• 昌國公主 益裏海雅，下嫁阿失昌王

• 趙國公主 愛牙迷失，下嫁闊里吉思

• 魯國公主 普納，下嫁桑哥不剌

相關史料

• 《史集》，蒙古帝國伊兒汗國史學家拉施特撰寫。

• 《大元聖政國朝典章》，簡稱《元典章》，元英宗在位後期（1322年—1323年）官修政書，收錄1234年—1322年元朝各地地方官吏會抄的有關政治、經濟、軍事、法律等方面的聖旨條畫、律令格例以及司法部門所判案例的匯編，分為前集和新集，史實多為《元史》所不載。

• 《大元通制》，1323年元英宗頒布的元朝第二部法律，現存殘本收錄1234年—1316年元朝官方頒布的關于法律方面的聖旨條畫、律令格例以及司法部門所判案例的匯編，史實多為《元史》所不載。

• 《至正條格》，1346年元惠宗頒布的元朝第三部法律，現存殘本收錄1260年—1344年元朝官方頒布的關于法律方面的聖旨條畫、律令格例以及司法部門所判案例的匯編，史實多為《元史》所不載。

• 《元史·成宗本紀》 ，明朝官修正史

• 《新元史·成宗本紀》 ，民國私修正史

• 《續資治通鑑》 ，清朝史家畢沅撰寫。

• 《元史類編》，清朝史家邵遠平撰寫。

• 《元史新編》，清朝史家魏源撰寫。

• 《元書》，清朝史家曾廉撰寫。

• 《蒙兀兒史記》，清末民初史家屠寄撰寫。

評價

• 明朝官修正史《元史》宋濂等的評價是：「成宗承天下混壹之後，垂拱而治，可謂善于守成者矣。惟其末年，連歲寢疾，凡國家政事，內則決于宮壼，外則委于宰臣；然其不致于廢墜者，則以去世祖為未遠，成憲具在故也。」

• 明朝官修正史《元史》宋濂等的評價是：「世稱元之治以至元、大德為首。……。故終世祖之世，家給人足。……。大德之治，幾于至元。」

• 清朝史家邵遠平《元史類編》的評價是：「冊曰：豢業以治，垂拱用成；中年奮武，啟釁南征；末嬰寢疾，壼柄廼萌；賴斯賢輔，鎮側弭傾。」

• 清朝史家畢沅《續資治通鑑》的評價是：「帝承世祖混一之後，善于守成；惟末年連歲寢疾，凡國家政事，內則決于宮壼，外則委于宰臣，幸去世祖未遠，守其成憲，不至廢墜。」

• 清朝史家曾廉《元書》的評價是：「論曰：成宗號為能守法度，而為病虐，前星弗耀，牝雞司晨，而內難作矣。然非成宗之過也，成宗早任合剌合孫，資為羽翼，自古未有賢人在位而亂其國者也。股肱之寄，要在忠良，唐宗之言，信夫！」

• 民國史家屠寄《蒙兀兒史記》的評價是：「始汗為太孫時，好飲無節。忽必烈汗常戒之，不悛。以此受杖者三次，忽必烈汗至命醫官監其飲食。有近侍司太孫節沐者，私置酒于盥器，代水以進，忽必烈汗聞之，大怒，謫戍其人遠方，殺之于道。汗既登極，深以前事為非，力自節飲。其勇于改過如此。汗仁惠聰睿，承天下混一之後，信用老成，垂拱而治。一革至元中葉以來聚斂之政，冗設之官。約束諸王、妃、主、駙馬擾民，禁濫請賞賜。性又謙衝，不好虛譽。群臣、皇后一再請上徽號，卒不允。可謂守成之令主矣。雖晚嬰末疾，政出中宮，而舉錯無大過失。固由委任賢相之效，亦未始非內助之得人也。」

• 民國私修正史《新元史》柯劭忞的評價是：「成宗席前人之業，因其成法而損益之，析薪克荷，帝無使焉。晚年寢疾，不早決計計傳位武宗，使易世之後，親貴相夷，禍延母后。悲夫！以天子之尊，而不能保其妃匹，豈非後世之殷鑑哉。」

注釋

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