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袁世凱[View] [Edit] [History]ctext:442446
Read more...: Early life Years in Joseon Dynasty Korea Late Qing dynasty Retreat and return Wuchang Uprising and republic Abdication of child emperor Democratic elections Becoming emperor Second revolution Japans 21 demands Revival of hereditary monarchy Public and international reactions to dynastic monarchys revival Abandonment of monarchy and death Evaluation and legacy Pseudonyms Family
Early life
On 16 September 1859, Yuan was born as Yuan Shikai in the village of Zhangying, Xiangcheng County, Chenzhou Prefecture, Henan, China. The Yuan clan later moved 16 kilometers southeast of Xiangcheng to a hilly area that was easier to defend against bandits. There the Yuans had built a fortified village, Yuanzhaicun.
Yuan's family was affluent enough to provide Yuan with a traditional Confucian education. As a young man he enjoyed riding, boxing, and entertainment with friends. Though hoping to pursue a career in the civil service, he failed the Imperial examinations twice, leading him to decide on an entry into politics through the Huai Army, where many of his relatives served. His career began with the purchase of a minor official title in 1880, which was a common method of official promotion in the late Qing. Using his father's connections, Yuan travelled to Tengzhou, Shandong, and sought a post in the Qing Brigade. Yuan's first marriage was in 1876 to a woman of the Yu family who bore him a first son, Keding, in 1878. Yuan Shikai married nine more concubines throughout the course of his life.
Years in Joseon Dynasty Korea
In the early 1870s, Korea under the Joseon dynasty was in the midst of a struggle between isolationists under King Gojong's father Heungseon Daewongun, and progressives, led by Empress Myeongseong, who wanted to open trade. After the Meiji Restoration, Japan had adopted an aggressive foreign policy, contesting Chinese domination of the peninsula. Under the Treaty of Ganghwa, which the Koreans signed with reluctance in 1876, Japan was allowed to send diplomatic missions to Hanseong, and opened trading posts in Incheon and Wonsan. Amidst an internal power struggle which resulted in the queen's exile, the Viceroy of Zhili, Li Hongzhang, sent the 3,000 strong Qing Brigade into Korea. The Korean king proposed training 500 troops in the art of modern warfare, and Yuan Shikai was appointed to lead this task in Korea. Li Hongzhang also recommended Yuan's promotion, with Yuan given the rank of sub-prefect.
In 1885, Yuan was appointed Imperial Resident of Seoul. On the surface the position equalled that of ambassador but in practice, as head official from the suzerain, Yuan had become the supreme adviser on all Korean government policies. Perceiving China's increasing influence on the Korean government, Japan sought more influence through co-suzerainty with China. A series of documents were released to Yuan Shikai, claiming the Korean government had changed its stance towards Chinese protection and would rather turn to Russia for protection. Yuan was outraged yet skeptical and asked Li Hongzhang for advice.
In a treaty signed between Japan and Qing, the two parties agreed only to send troops into Korea after notifying the other. Although the Korean government was stable, it was still a protectorate of Qing. Koreans emerged advocating modernization. Another more radicalised group, the Donghak Society, promoting an early nationalist doctrine based partly upon Confucian principles, rose in rebellion against the government. Yuan and Li Hongzhang sent troops into Korea to protect Seoul and Qing's interests, and Japan did the same under the pretext of protecting Japanese trading posts. Tensions boiled over between Japan and China when Japan refused to withdraw its forces and placed a blockade at the 38th Parallel. Li Hongzhang wanted at all costs to avoid a war with Japan and attempted this by asking for international pressure for a Japanese withdrawal. Japan refused, and war broke out. Yuan, having been put in an ineffective position, was recalled to Tianjin in July 1894, before the official outbreak of the First Sino-Japanese War.
Yuan Shikai had three Korean concubines, one of whom was Korean Princess Li's relative, concubine Kim. 15 of Yuan's children came from these three Korean women.
Late Qing dynasty
Yuan's rise to fame began with his nominal participation in the First Sino-Japanese War as commander of the Chinese garrison forces in Korea. Unlike other officers, however, he avoided the humiliation of Chinese defeat by having been recalled to Beijing several days before the outbreak of conflict.
As an ally of Li Hongzhang, Yuan was appointed the commander of the first New Army in 1895. Yuan's training program modernized the army, creating enormous pride, and earning him the loyalty of capable senior officers. By 1901, five of China's seven divisional commanders and most other senior military officers in China were his protégés. The Qing court relied heavily on his army due to the proximity of its garrison to the capital and their effectiveness. Of the new armies that formed part of the Self-Strengthening Movement, Yuan's was the best trained and most effective. His success opened the way for his rise to the top in both military and political sectors.
The Qing Court at the time was divided between progressives under the leadership of the Guangxu Emperor, and conservatives under the Empress Dowager Cixi, who had temporarily retreated to the Summer Palace as a place of "retirement". After the Guangxu Emperor's Hundred Days' Reform in 1898, however, Cixi decided that the reforms were too drastic, and plotted to restore her own regency through a coup d'état. Plans of the coup spread early, and the Emperor was very aware of the plot. He asked reform advocates Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong and others to develop a plan to save him. Yuan's involvement in the coup remains a matter of debate among historians. Tan Sitong reportedly spoke with Yuan several days before the coup, asking Yuan to assist the Emperor against Cixi. Yuan refused a direct answer, but insisted he was loyal to the Emperor. Meanwhile, Manchu General Ronglu was planning manoeuvres for his army to stage the coup.
According to sources, including the diary of Liang Qichao and contemporary Chinese news sources, Yuan Shikai arrived in Tianjin on 20 September 1898 by train. It was certain that by the evening, Yuan had talked to Ronglu, but what was revealed to him remains ambiguous. Most historians suggest that Yuan had told Ronglu of all details of the Reformers' plans, and asked him to take immediate action. The plot being exposed, Ronglu's troops entered the Forbidden City at dawn on 21 September, forcing the Emperor into seclusion in a lake palace.
Making a political alliance with the Empress Dowager, and becoming a lasting enemy of the Guangxu Emperor, Yuan left the capital in 1899 for his new appointment as Governor of Shandong. During his three-year tenure the Boxer Rebellion (1899–1901) erupted; Yuan ensured the suppression of Boxers in the province, though his troops took no active part outside Shandong itself. Yuan took the side of the pro-foreign faction in the Imperial Court, along with Prince Qing, Li Hongzhang, and Ronglu. He refused to side with the Boxers and attack the Eight-Nation Alliance forces, joining with other Chinese governors who commanded substantial modernized armies like Zhang Zhidong not participating in the Boxer Rebellion. He and Zhang ignored Empress Dowager Cixi's declaration of war against the foreign powers and continued to suppress the Boxers. This clique was known as The Mutual Protection of Southeast China. In addition to not fighting the Eight-Nation Alliance and suppressing the Boxers in Shandong, Yuan and his army (the Right Division) also helped the Eight-Nation Alliance suppress the Boxers after the Alliance captured Beijing in August 1900. Yuan Shikai's forces massacred tens of thousands of people in their anti-Boxer campaign in Zhili. Yuan operated out of Baoding during the campaign, which ended in 1902.
He also founded a provincial junior college (Shandong College, the forerunner of Shandong University) in Jinan, which adopted western ideas of education.
In June 1902 he was promoted to Viceroy of Zhili, the lucrative commissioner for North China Trade, and Minister of Beiyang (北洋通商大臣), comprising the modern regions of Liaoning, Hebei, and Shandong. Having gained the regard of foreigners after helping crush the Boxer Rebellion, he successfully obtained numerous loans to expand his Beiyang Army into the most powerful army in China. He created a 2,000-strong police force to keep order in Tianjin, the first of its kind in Chinese history, as a result of the Boxer Protocol forbidding any troops to be staged close to Tianjin. Yuan was also involved in the transfer of railway control from Sheng Xuanhuai, leading railways and their construction to become a large source of his revenue. Yuan played an active role in late-Qing political reforms, including the creation of the Ministry of Education and Ministry of Police (巡警部). He further advocated ethnic equality between Manchus and Han Chinese.
In 1905, acting on Yuan's advice, Dowager-Empress Cixi issued a decree ending the traditional Confucian examination system that was formalized in 1906. She ordered the Ministry of Education to implement a system of primary and secondary schools and universities with state-mandated curriculum, modeled after the educational system of Meiji-period Japan. On 27 August 1908, the Qing court promulgated "Principles for a Constitution", which Yuan helped to draft. This document called for a constitutional government with a strong monarchy (modeled after Meiji Japan and Bismarck's Germany), with a constitution to be issued by 1916 and an elected parliament by 1917.
Yuan Shikai's Han-dominated New Army was primarily responsible for the defense of Beijing, as most of the modernized Eight Banner divisions were destroyed in the Boxer Rebellion and the new modernized Banner forces were token in nature.
Retreat and return
The Empress Dowager and the Guangxu Emperor died within a day of each other in November 1908. Sources indicate that the will of the emperor ordered Yuan's execution. Nonetheless, he avoided death. In January 1909, he was relieved of all his posts by the regent, Prince Chun. The public reason for Yuan's resignation was that he was returning to his home in the village of Huanshang (洹上村), the prefecture-level city of Anyang, due to a foot disease.
During his three years of effective exile, Yuan kept contact with his close allies, including Duan Qirui, who reported to him regularly about army proceedings. Yuan had arranged for the marriage of his niece (whom he had adopted) to Duan as a means to consolidate power. The loyalty of the Beiyang Army was still undoubtedly behind him. Having this strategic military support, Yuan held the balance of power between various revolutionaries (like Sun Yat-sen) and the Qing court. Both wanted Yuan on their side.
Wuchang Uprising and republic
The Wuchang Uprising took place on 10 October 1911 in Hubei province. The southern provinces subsequently declared their independence from the Qing court, but neither the northern provinces nor the Beiyang Army had a clear stance for or against the rebellion. Both the Qing court and Yuan were fully aware that the Beiyang Army was the only Qing force powerful enough to quell the revolutionaries. The court requested Yuan's return on 27 October, but he repeatedly declined offers from the Qing court for his return, first as the Viceroy of Huguang, and then as Prime Minister of the Imperial Cabinet. Time was on Yuan's side, and Yuan waited, using his "foot ailment" as a pretext to his continual refusal.
After further pleas by the Qing Court, Yuan agreed and eventually left his village for Beijing on 30 October, becoming prime minister on 1 November 1911. Immediately after that he asked the regent to withdraw from politics, which forced Zaifeng to resign as regent. This made way for Yuan to form a new, predominantly Han Chinese, cabinet of confidants, with only one Manchu as Minister of Suzerainty. To further reward Yuan's loyalty to the court, the Empress Dowager Longyu offered Yuan the noble title Marquis of the First Rank (一等侯), an honour only previously given to 19th century General Zeng Guofan for his raising of the Xiang Army to suppress the Taiping Rebellion. Meanwhile, in the Battle of Yangxia, Yuan's forces recaptured Hankou and Hanyang from the revolutionaries. Yuan knew that complete suppression of the revolution would end his usefulness to the Qing regime. Instead of attacking Wuchang, he began to negotiate with the revolutionaries.
Abdication of child emperor
The revolutionaries had elected Sun Yat-sen as the first Provisional President of the Republic of China, but they were in a weak position militarily, so they negotiated with the Qing, using Yuan as an intermediary. Yuan arranged for the abdication of the child emperor Puyi in return for being granted the position of President of the Republic of China. Yuan was not present when the Abdication edict was issued by Empress Dowager Longyu on 12 February 1912.
Sun agreed to Yuan's presidency after some internal bickering, but asked that the capital be situated in Nanjing. Yuan, however, wanted the geographic advantage of having the nation's capital close to his base of military power. Many theorized that Cao Kun, one of his trusted subordinate Beiyang military commanders, fabricated a coup d'état in Beijing and Tianjin, apparently under Yuan's orders, to provide an excuse for Yuan not to leave his sphere of influence in Zhili (present-day Hebei province). However, the claim that the coup was organized by Yuan has been challenged by others. The revolutionaries compromised again, and the capital of the new republic was established in Beijing. Yuan Shikai was elected Provisional President of the Republic of China by the Nanjing Provisional Senate on 14 February 1912, and sworn in on 10 March of that year.
Democratic elections
In February 1913, democratic elections were held for the National Assembly in which the Kuomintang (KMT – "Chinese Nationalist Party") scored a significant victory. Song Jiaoren of the KMT zealously supported a cabinet system and was widely regarded as a candidate for prime minister.
One of Song's main political goals was to ensure that the powers and independence of China's Parliament be properly protected from the influence of the office of the president. Song's goals in curtailing the office of the president conflicted with the interests of Yuan, who, by mid-1912, clearly dominated the provisional cabinet and was showing signs of a desire to hold overwhelming executive power. During Song's travels through China in 1912, he had openly and vehemently expressed the desire to limit the powers of the president in terms that often appeared openly critical of Yuan's ambitions. When the results of the 1913 elections indicated a clear victory for the KMT, it appeared that Song would be in a position to exercise a dominant role in selecting the premier and cabinet, and the party could have proceeded to push for the election of a future president in a parliamentary setting. On 20 March 1913, Song Jiaoren was shot by a lone gunman in Shanghai, and died two days later. The trail of evidence led to the secretary of the cabinet and the provisional premier of Yuan's government. Although Yuan was considered by contemporary Chinese media sources as the man most likely behind the assassination, the main conspirators investigated by authorities were either themselves assassinated or disappeared mysteriously. For lack of evidence, Yuan was not implicated.
Becoming emperor
Tensions between the KMT and Yuan continued to intensify. After arriving in Peking, the elected Parliament attempted to gain control over Yuan, to develop a permanent constitution, and to hold a legitimate, open presidential election. Because he had authorized $100 million of "reorganization loans" from a variety of foreign banks, the KMT in particular were highly critical of Yuan's handling of the national budget. Yuan's crackdown on the KMT began in 1913, with the suppression and bribery of KMT members in the two legislative chambers. Anti-Yuan revolutionaries also claimed Yuan orchestrated the collapse of the KMT internally and dismissed governors interpreted as being pro-KMT.
Second revolution
Seeing the situation for his party worsen, Sun Yat-sen fled to Japan in August 1913, and called for a Second Revolution, this time against Yuan Shikai. Subsequently, Yuan gradually took over the government, using the military as the base of his power. He dissolved the national and provincial assemblies, and the House of Representatives and Senate were replaced by the newly formed "Council of State", with Duan Qirui, his trusted Beiyang lieutenant, as prime minister. He relied on the American-educated Tsai Tingkan for English translation and connections with western powers. Finally, Yuan had himself elected president to a five-year term, publicly labelled the KMT a seditious organization, ordered the KMT's dissolution, and evicted all its members from Parliament. The KMT's "Second Revolution" ended in failure as Yuan's troops achieved complete victory over revolutionary uprisings. Provincial governors with KMT loyalties who remained willingly submitted to Yuan. Because those commanders not loyal to Yuan were effectively removed from power, the Second Revolution cemented Yuan's power.
In January 1914, China's Parliament was formally dissolved. To give his government a semblance of legitimacy, Yuan convened a body of 66 men from his cabinet who, on 1 May 1914, produced a "constitutional compact" that effectively replaced China's provisional constitution. The new legal status quo gave Yuan, as president, practically unlimited powers over China's military, finances, foreign policy, and the rights of China's citizens. Yuan justified these reforms by stating that representative democracy had been proven inefficient by political infighting.
After his victory, Yuan reorganized the provincial governments. Each province was supported by a military governor (都督) as well as a civil authority, giving each governor control of their own army. This helped lay the foundations for the warlordism that crippled China over the next two decades.
During Yuan's presidency, a silver "dollar" (yuan in Chinese) carrying his portrait was introduced. This coin type was the first "dollar" coin of the central authorities of the Republic of China to be minted in significant quantities. It became a staple silver coin type during the first half of the 20th century and was struck for the last time as late as the 1950s. They were also extensively forged.
Japans 21 demands
In 1914, Japan captured the German colony at Qingdao. In January 1915, Japan sent a secret ultimatum, known as the Twenty-one Demands, to Beijing. Japan demanded an extension of extraterritoriality, the sale of businesses in debt to Japan and the cession of Qingdao to Japan, and virtual control of finance and the local police. When these demands were made public, hostility within China was expressed in nationwide anti-Japanese demonstrations and an effective national boycott of Japanese goods. With support from Britain and the United States Yuan secured Japan's dropping part five of the demands, which would have given Japan a general control of Chinese affairs. However he did accept the less onerous terms and that led to a decline in the popularity of Yuan's government.
Revival of hereditary monarchy
To build up his own authority, Yuan began to re-institute elements of state Confucianism. As the main proponent of reviving Qing state religious observances, Yuan effectively participated as emperor in rituals held at the Qing Temple of Heaven. In late 1915, rumors were floated of a popular consensus that the hereditary monarchy should be revived. With his power secure, many of Yuan's supporters, notably monarchist Yang Du, advocated for a revival of the hereditary monarchy, asking Yuan to take on the title of Emperor. Yang reasoned that the Chinese masses had long been used to monarchic rule, the Republic had only been effective as a transitional phase to end Manchu rule, and China's political situation demanded the stability that only a dynastic monarchy could ensure. The American political scientist Frank Johnson Goodnow suggested a similar idea. Negotiators representing Japan had also offered to support Yuan's ambitions as one of the rewards for Yuan's support of the Twenty-One Demands.
On 20 November 1915, Yuan held a specially convened "Representative Assembly" which voted unanimously to offer Yuan the throne. On 12 December 1915, Yuan "accepted" the invitation and proclaimed himself Emperor of the Chinese Empire (中華帝國大皇帝 Zhōnghuá Dìguó Dà Huángdì) under the era name of Hongxian (洪憲 Hóngxiàn; i.e. Constitutional Abundance). The new Empire of China was to formally begin on 1 January 1916, when Yuan, the Hongxian Emperor, intended to conduct the accession rites. Soon after becoming emperor, the Hongxian Emperor placed an order with the former imperial potters for a 40,000-piece porcelain set costing 1.4 million yuan, a large jade seal, and two imperial robes costing 400,000 yuan each.
Public and international reactions to dynastic monarchys revival
The Hongxian Emperor expected widespread domestic and international support for his reign. British diplomats and bankers worked hard to help them succeed. They set up a five nation consortium that loaned his government £25 million in April 1913. However, he and his supporters had badly miscalculated. Many of the emperor's closest supporters abandoned him, and the solidarity of the emperor's Beiyang clique of military protégés dissolved. There were open protests throughout China denouncing the Hongxian Emperor. Foreign governments, including Japan, suddenly proved indifferent or openly hostile to him, not giving him the recognition anticipated. Sun Yat-sen, who had fled to Tokyo and set up a base there, organized efforts to overthrow the Hongxian Emperor. The emperor's sons publicly fought over the title of "Crown Prince", and formerly loyal subordinates like Duan Qirui and Xu Shichang left him to create their own factions.
Abandonment of monarchy and death
Faced with widespread opposition, the Hongxian Emperor repeatedly delayed the accession rites in order to appease his foes, but his prestige was irreparably damaged and province after province continued to voice disapproval. On 25 December 1915, Yunnan's military governor, Cai E, rebelled, launching the National Protection War. The governor of Guizhou followed in January 1916, and Guangxi declared independence in March. Funding for the Hongxian Emperor's accession ceremony was cut on 1 March.
Yuan formally abandoned the empire on 22 March after being emperor for only 83 days; primarily due to these mounting revolts as well as declining health from uremia. This was not enough for his enemies, who called for his resignation as president, causing more provinces to rebel. Yuan died of uremia at 10 a.m. on 6 June 1916, at the age of fifty-six.
Yuan's remains were moved to his home province and placed in a large mausoleum. In 1928, the tomb was looted by Feng Yuxiang and his soldiers during the Northern Expedition.
Yuan had a wife and nine concubines, who bore him 17 sons and 15 daughters, but only three were prominent: Prince Yuan Keding, Prince Yuan Kewen, and Prince Yuan Keliang.
Evaluation and legacy
Historians in China have considered Yuan's rule mostly negatively. He introduced far-ranging modernizations in law and social areas, and trained and organized one of China's first modern armies. But the loyalty Yuan had fostered in the armed forces dissolved after his death, undermining the authority of the central government. Yuan financed his regime through large foreign loans, and is criticized for weakening Chinese morale and international prestige, and for allowing the Japanese to gain broad concessions over China.
Jonathan Spence, however, notes in his influential survey that Yuan was "ambitious, both for his country and for himself", and that "even as he subverted the constitution, paradoxically he sought to build on late-Qing attempts at reforms and to develop institutions that would bring strong and stable government to China." To gain foreign confidence and end the hated system of extraterritoriality, Yuan strengthened the court system and invited foreign advisers to reform the penal system.
After Yuan's death, there was an effort by Li Yuanhong to revive the Republic by recalling the legislators who had been ejected in 1913, but this effort was confused and ineffective in asserting central control. Li lacked any support from the military. There was a short-lived effort in 1917 to revive the Qing dynasty led by the loyalist general Zhang Xun, but his forces were defeated by rival warlords later that year.
After the collapse of Zhang's movement, all pretense of strength from the central government collapsed, and China descended into a period of warlordism. Over the next several decades, the offices of both the president and parliament became the tools of militarists, and the politicians in Peking became dependent on regional governors for their support and political survival. For this reason, Yuan is sometimes called "the Father of the Warlords". However, it is not accurate to attribute China's subsequent age of warlordism as a personal preference, since in his career as a military reformer he had attempted to forge a modern army based on the Japanese model. Throughout his lifetime, he demonstrated an understanding of staffing, military education, and regular transfers of officer personnel, combining these skills to create China's first modern military organisation. After his return to power in 1911, however, he seemed willing to sacrifice his legacy of military reform for imperial ambitions, and instead ruled by a combination of violence and bribery that destroyed the idealism of the early Republican movement.
In the CCTV Production Towards the Republic, Yuan is portrayed through most of his early years as an able administrator, although a very skilled manipulator of political situations. His self-proclamation as Emperor is largely depicted as being influenced by external forces, especially that of his son, prince Yuan Keding.
A bixi (stone tortoise) with a stele in honor of Yuan Shikai, which was installed in Anyang's Huanyuan Park soon after his death, was (partly) restored in 1993.
Pseudonyms
Like many Chinese men before 1949, Yuan used and was referred to by many different names. His courtesy name was "Weiting" (Wade-Giles spelling: Wei-ting; 慰亭 Wèitíng |w = Wei4-t'ing2), and he used the pseudonym "Rong'an" (Wade-Giles spelling: Jung-an; 容庵 Róng'ān |w = Jung2-an1). He was sometimes referred to by the name of his birthplace, "Xiangcheng", or by a title for tutors of the crown prince, "Kung-pao".
Family
Paternal grandfather
• Yuan Shusan (袁澍三)
Father
• Yuan Baozhong (袁保中) (1823–1874), courtesy name Shouchen (受臣)
Uncle
• Yuan Baoqing (袁保慶) (1825–1873), courtesy name Duchen (篤臣), pseudonym Yanzhi (延之), Yuan Baozhong's younger brother
Wife
• Yu Yishang (于義上), daughter of Yu Ao (於鰲), a wealthy man from Shenqiu County, Henan; married Yuan Shikai in 1876; mother of Yuan Keding.
Concubines
• Lady Shen (沈氏), previously a courtesan from Suzhou
• Lady Lee (李氏), of Korean origin; mother of Yuan Bozhen, Yuan Kequan, Yuan Keqi, Yuan Kejian, and Yuan Kedu
• Lady Kim (金氏), of Korean origin; mother of Yuan Kewen, Yuan Keliang, Yuan Shuzhen, Yuan Huanzhen, and Yuan Sizhen
• Lady O, of Korean origin; mother of Yuan Keduan, Yuan Zhongzhen, Yuan Cizhen, and Yuan Fuzhen
• Lady Yang, mother of Yuan Kehuan, Yuan Kezhen, Yuan Kejiu, Yuan Ke'an, Yuan Jizhen, and Yuan Lingzhen
• Lady Ye (葉氏), previously a prostitute in Nanjing; mother of Yuan Kejie, Yuan Keyou, Yuan Fuzhen, Yuan Qizhen, and Yuan Ruizhen
• Lady Zhang, originally from Henan
• Lady Guo (郭氏), originally a prostitute from Suzhou; mother of Yuan Kexiang, Yuan Kehe, and Yuan Huzhen
• Lady Liu, originally a maid to Yuan Shikai's fifth concubine Lady Yang; mother of Yuan Kefan and Yuan Yizhen
17 sons
• Yuan Keding (袁克定) (1878–1958), courtesy name Yuntai (雲台)
• Yuan Kewen (袁克文) (1889–1931), courtesy name Baocen (豹岑)
• Yuan Keliang (袁克良), married a daughter of Zhang Baixi
• Yuan Keduan (袁克端), married He Shenji (何慎基, daughter of He Zhongjing (何仲璟))
• Yuan Kequan (袁克權) (1898–1941), courtesy name Gui'an (規庵), pseudonym Baina (百衲), married a daughter of Toteke Duanfang (托忒克·端方)
• Yuan Kehuan (袁克桓), married Chen Zheng (陳徵, daughter of Chen Qitai)
• Yuan Keqi, married a daughter of Sun Baoqi
• Yuan Kezhen (袁克軫), married Zhou Ruizhu (周瑞珠, daughter of Zhou Fu (周馥))
• Yuan Kejiu (袁克玖), married Li Shaofang (黎紹芳, 29 December 1906 – 15 April 1945, second daughter of Li Yuanhong) in 1934
• Yuan Kejian (袁克堅), married a daughter of Lu Jianzhang (陸建章)
• Yuan Ke'an (袁克安), married Li Baohui (李寶慧) (daughter of Li Shiming (李士銘))
• Yuan Kedu (袁克度), married a daughter of the wealthy Luo Yunzhang
• Yuan Kexiang (袁克相), married firstly Zhang Shoufang (張壽芳, granddaughter of Na Tong (那桐)), married secondly Chen Sixing (陳思行, daughter of Chen Bingkun)
• Yuan Kejie (袁克捷), married Lady Wang (王氏)
• Yuan Kehe (袁克和), married a daughter of Zhang Diaochen
• Yuan Kefan (袁克藩), died young
• Yuan Keyou (袁克友), married a daughter of Yu Yunpeng (於雲鵬)
15 daughters
Famous grandsons and great-grandsons
• Yuan's grandson, Luke Chia-Liu Yuan (1912–2003) was a Chinese-American physicist.
• Yuan's great-grandson, Li-Young Lee (1957–), is an Indonesian-born Chinese-American writer and poet.
袁世凱出身官宦家族,於清末投身淮軍,後隨軍赴朝鮮參與平定壬午軍亂,又在朝鮮甲申政變中指揮軍隊擊潰日軍,被清廷委以重任,回國組建新軍,襄贊洋務運動及清末新政,自道員、巡撫、總督累升,至入值軍機處,甚至總理大臣,成為清末頭號權臣。1911年辛亥革命爆發後,孫文于南京就任中華民國臨時大總統。1912年,袁世凱逼迫宣統皇帝遜位,由自己組建臨時政府。
成為中華民國首任大總統後,其施政引發爭議,中國國民黨理事長宋教仁被刺導致二次革命,又與日本簽署《中日民四條約》引發國內民眾不滿。1915年12月12日袁世凱宣布將改次年為洪憲元年並建立中華帝國,但由于國內多方勢力的反對,1916年3月22日袁世凱宣布取消君主立憲國體,改元後僅82天(1916年為閏年)帝制便以失敗收場。同年5月6日袁世凱同意將辭退大總統之位,但還來不及實現就于6月6日病逝,後來葬于河南安陽。
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生平
早年生涯
1859年9月16日,袁世凱出生於河南省陳州府項城縣袁張營(今項城市千佛閣辦事處袁張營村)一個官宦家族。父祖多為地方名流。袁家在清道光年間開始興盛,袁世凱的從叔祖父袁甲三曾署理漕運總督,並參與平定太平天國運動和捻軍,為淮軍重要將領。他出生的那天,袁甲三正好寄信至家,言與捻軍作戰得勝。他的父親因此將他取名為「凱」,並按照家族族譜的譜名字輩「保世克家啟文紹武」,給他命名「世凱」。
祖父袁澍三乃地方名紳,曾任陳留訓導,父袁保中官至候補同知。叔父袁保慶曾在袁甲三的軍中帶兵,官至二品江南鹽道道臺。生母劉氏是項城縣南頓人,袁保中的妾室。袁世凱自幼過繼給袁保慶為嗣子,少年時隨嗣父先後到濟南、金陵等地讀書。袁保慶病故後,1873年冬,堂叔袁保恆獲同治帝三個月假期返回項城,與侄子袁世凱會面,袁世凱獲得赴京念書的機會。
1874年農曆新年過後,袁世凱與弟弟袁世廉在家中男僕的保護下來到北京,投奔在京任內閣中書的叔父袁保齡,袁保齡對二人的教育極為重視,聘請嚴師謝子齡管教二人,但袁保齡初見二人後對他們評價不高,認為袁世凱「資分並不高,而浮動非常」。11月,袁世凱生父袁保中病逝,據說袁世凱聽聞「哀病失血,咽喉潰爛如蜂房,久不愈」。因為袁世凱已經出嗣,袁保齡未允許他回鄉料理後事,只允許他回籍守孝。此後,袁世凱開始努力讀書,有一定進步,袁保齡很高興「凱侄八韻頗長進,文章尚不入門」。同年冬,袁保恆回到北京,開始更加嚴厲督促他。袁世凱愈加勤勉,學習十分投入。
1876年秋,袁世凱赴陳州參加鄉試不中,一般認為袁世凱學術不精,致鄉試不第。不過其落榜原因也有其他說法:袁世凱考得「項城縣之府案首」,但河南學政瞿鴻禨在考陳州府時,不尊重知府吳重熹,吳重熹為此針鋒相對兩人結怨,瞿鴻禨于是取消了陳州各府屬的府首,袁世凱因此成為犧牲品,雖然未能及第,但袁世凱于同年年底與沈丘于氏結婚,兩年後誕下唯一嫡子袁克定,不過袁世凱與于氏關係並不融洽。袁保恆見袁世凱完婚,頻繁招袁世凱回北京繼續學習以考取功名,袁世凱最初也極為重視「然雖多病,亦不敢自棄。每當臥病,思己之功名不就,無不攘背而起,展書味讀,但不知老天負我不負我乎」。1877年初,袁世凱回到北京,一度想外出謀職戶口,袁保恆知道袁世凱的想法後斷然否定。
1875年至1878年間,河南發生特大旱災,史稱「丁戊奇荒」。1877年4月30日,慈禧太后命身為刑部左侍郎的袁保恆前往河南賑災,袁保恆于是偕袁世凱前往河南,12月30日出發,途中經過保定,袁保恆與李鴻章會面,請求幫助,李鴻章當即撥米三萬石,但此時李鴻章是否見過袁世凱則不得而知。1878年1月16日,二人抵達開封。當時正值隆冬,大雪紛飛,十分寒冷,袁世凱冒著惡劣氣候辦公,為避免流言住在開封城外。在此期間,袁世凱目睹了饑民慘狀,官軍殘殺,賑款不敷,曾感慨道「賑務實屬萬難」,但也下決心「盡此赤心,捐此腐軀,上以報國,下以報叔父」。當時開封流行瘟疫,5月,袁保恆認為自己身體強壯冒險前往檢查粥廠,感染瘟疫,不久病逝。在接任的到達之前,袁世凱出色完成了交接任務。此後,袁世凱返回項城,移住陳州並在此與家人共同居住三年時間。期間,袁家在袁保齡的主持下召開會議討論分家,但分家的結果目前尚無資料証明。在此期間,袁世凱「家居多暇,嗜酒好騎馬,日飲數斗,馳騁郊原」,其性格「喜為人鳴不平,慷慨好施予,以善為樂」,袁世凱與知府吳重熹成為「詩酒友」,「雅敬愛之」。此外,袁世凱意外結交當時正在陳州授館從事文牘工作,前往袁甲三祠園林遊玩的徐世昌。相見第二天,二人拜為金蘭,徐世昌為兄。袁世凱資助徐世昌兄弟二人赴順天鄉試,二人雙雙中舉。
1879年秋,袁世凱致三哥袁世廉信中發誓:「弟不能博一秀才,死不瞑目」,未料再次鄉試不中,因此將所學書籍付之一炬,並表示「大丈夫當效命疆場,安內攘外,烏能齷齪久困筆硯間,自誤光陰」。1880年,袁世凱決定棄文就武,投靠吳長慶,加入慶軍,吳長慶為袁保慶的結拜兄弟,出身淮軍,為慶軍統領,統率慶軍六營駐防登州,督辦山東防務。袁世凱從陳州出發,先前往上海,準備之後再前往山東登州即吳長慶大本營所在地。抵達上海後,袁世凱很喜歡這座城市,在一家旅店安頓下來,後四處尋找工作機會無果。在此困頓之際,袁世凱去了一家妓院,在此結識蘇州籍妓女沈氏,二人相交甚歡,無話不談。沈氏閱人無數,得知袁世凱身世後勸其儘快前往登州,投奔吳長慶,並用私房錢資助袁世凱。袁世凱發誓安定下來後回來迎娶沈氏,沈氏也表示袁走後會自己出錢贖身並等他回來。後來袁世凱將沈氏接到朝鮮生活。沈氏終身未育,袁世凱將次子袁克文過繼給她為嗣子,北上途中,袁世凱結識阮忠樞,一見如故。袁慷慨資助阮,阮後成為其終生心腹。
1881年5月,袁世凱至山東登州,任「慶軍」營務處會辦。吳長慶對袁照顧十分周到,優待至極。由于袁尚未通過鄉試,吳召來營中最好的老師張謇、周家祿、朱銘盤等人,向他們引見袁世凱,特意強調「今留慰亭讀書,所以報篤臣也」。張謇、周家祿、朱銘盤等人于是每天督促袁功課,袁再度備考科舉。此間,袁世凱稱「近日作文太多,且盼家信,因嘔血」。但是,他的作文在張謇眼裡卻是「文字蕪穢,不能成篇」。由于張謇嚴厲直率,導致二人疏遠。而周家祿則點到為止,以鼓勵讚揚為主,袁「更喜周公」,後任直隸總督時請周入幕府,禮遇有加。
嶄露頭角
1882年,袁世凱23歲,藩屬國朝鮮發生壬午軍亂,朝鮮高宗李熙之父李昰應兵變奪權;親中的朝鮮事大黨請求清廷出兵平亂,袁世凱乃跟隨吳長慶的部隊前往協助吳長慶的幕僚馬建忠設謀,要袁世凱將李昰應拘捕,李昰應被擄後,袁世凱以「通商大臣」身份駐朝鮮,協助朝鮮訓練新建親軍與鎮撫軍,並控制稅務。
1884年,朝鮮分化為新舊兩派勢力。一派是以閔妃為首的外戚集團,另一派則是要求改革的士大夫激進派。以金玉均激進派為代表的「開化黨」人士發動甲申政變試圖推翻被「事大黨」及閔妃把持的政權,駐朝日軍亦趁機行動欲挾制王室,袁世凱當機立斷,指揮軍隊擊退日本軍,日本人對袁世凱恨之入骨。1885年,袁世凱被封為「清朝駐紮朝鮮總理交涉通商事宜」全權代表,維繫清廷在朝鮮的宗主權及其他特權。1887年8月開始,朝鮮政府先後向日本和歐美各國派遣使節,以對國際社會宣示其外交自主。大規模的獨立外交活動,引起清政府不滿。
1894年初,朝鮮爆發東學黨起義,形勢緊張,朝鮮國王向中國借兵鎮壓,李鴻章同意出兵,6月4日清軍開赴朝鮮。根據《中日天津條約》相關條款,6月7日清廷將出兵事宜知照日本,同日,日本駐北京公使小村壽太郎照會清廷稱日本也已出兵。6月11日,日本公使大鳥圭介率軍到達朝鮮京城。獲悉清廷出兵後,起義軍6月11日與朝鮮政府簽訂《全州和約》,朝鮮內亂有所緩和。6月12日大鳥圭介主動與袁世凱會晤,商談共同撤兵,但日本內部對此不滿,在沒有達到全部目的前拒絕撤兵,中日雙方對此相持不下,7月25日,日本軍隊在豐島海面對清軍發動襲擊,挑起豐島海戰,進而引爆中日甲午戰爭。
1894年10月24日,日軍第一軍突破清軍鴨綠江防線,侵入中國。袁世凱唯恐奉天危急,以籌糧為口實,躲到新民廳。遭李鴻章的訓斥,令速到前線,袁世凱才趕到九連城,不久又逃至新民廳。
小站練兵
中日甲午戰爭以清軍海陸皆敗收場,袁世凱奉命隨軍撤回天津。因袁世凱在朝鮮時期表現突出,有「知兵」之名,李鴻章等大臣乃於1895年舉薦袁世凱負責督練新軍,光緒皇帝和慈禧太后命袁世凱接替胡燏棻練兵。袁世凱派人到魯、蘇、皖、豫等地招募2250名步兵,300名騎兵,再加上4750名定武軍,袁世凱開始在天津與塘沽之間的小站的練兵,史稱「小站練兵」,這股兵力後來成為清末陸軍主力,也是北洋軍閥的雛形。
袁世凱在小站練兵以德軍為藍本,制訂一整套近代陸軍的招募制度、組織編制制度、軍官任用和培養制度、訓練和教育制度,以及糧餉制度等內容的建軍方案,基本上摒棄了八旗、綠營和湘軍、淮軍的舊制。在軍事裝備上,袁世凱注重武器裝備的近代化和標準化,採用西方的先進技術,強調實施新法訓練的嚴格性。小站練兵培養了一大批近代新軍事人才,加快了舊軍隊的淘汰,促進了清軍的近代化。
袁世凱善於籠絡人心,事必躬親,重視官兵福利,親自監督發餉,避免貪污舞弊,重視軍人的裝備是否齊全,士兵非常愛戴、感念。他也善用洗腦方法,每日操課前後,軍官都有「三問」,第一問:「我們喫誰家的飯?」所有士兵齊聲回答:「袁宮保的飯!」。二問;「我們穿誰家的衣?」齊答:「袁宮保的衣!」第三問:「那我們為誰家死,為誰家出力?」齊答:「為袁宮保死,為袁宮保出力!」士兵們皆將袁世凱視為衣食父母,敬若神明。竟達到了只知有袁宮保,不知有大清朝的程度。
清末政局
1895年,袁世凱與徐世昌、張之洞等都列名參加康有為建立的強學會,並出資贊助。
戊戌變法
戊戌變法期間,光緒帝近臣康有為與慈禧太后發生激烈爭鬥。手握重兵的袁世凱成為雙方爭奪的對象。1898年9月16日,光緒帝聽從康有為建議,召見袁世凱,賞候補侍郎,責成專講練兵事務,並隨時具奏應辦事宜。17日,康有為接到光緒帝密詔,密詔中光緒帝認為自己皇位不保。于是康有為派譚嗣同遊說袁世凱,要他舉兵勤王。當晚,譚嗣同與袁世凱秘密在京郊法華寺見面,譚嗣同要求袁世凱率領敢死將士數百,擁光緒帝登上午門,殺榮祿,除舊黨。袁世凱表示誓死效忠皇上,但表示立即舉兵勤王有困難,「殺榮祿乃一狗耳,然吾營官皆舊人,槍彈火藥皆在榮祿處,且小站去京二百餘里,隔于鐵路,慮不達事洩。若天津閱兵時,上馳入吾營,則可以上命誅賊臣矣。」譚嗣同無奈同意。
• 根據史料記載,戊戌時袁世凱傾向維新派,並未主動告密,袁世凱親信張一麐所著《心太平室集》和榮祿親信陳夔龍所記《夢蕉亭雜記》,其真實情況是9月21日(八月初六)晚袁世凱聽到楊崇伊從北京帶來的政變消息,袁世凱以為密謀已經洩露,為避免自己被牽扯上罪責為族滅的叛國罪,于是將情況告知榮祿,這隻是脫身之舉。
• 但也有部分人認為,在20日,袁世凱向光緒帝辭行後乘火車回天津,立刻向榮祿告密,二人商議對策(一說袁世凱離京前密告給軍機大臣禮親王世鐸)。榮祿即日回京密奏慈禧太后,慈禧於翌日宣佈訓政,囚禁光緒帝。
庚子拳亂
義和團在山東排教,以私刑方式殺死許多外國和中國基督徒,引發歐洲各國不滿。1897年11月山東曹州府爆發「曹州教案」,兩名德國神父被殺。由於此地的天主教聖言會受德國庇護,11月6日德國以此衝突為藉口出兵山東,武裝侵占膠澳地區。後引起連鎖反應,俄、英、法等競相效尤,紛紛爭占租借地。在此期間,袁世凱考慮到既要防止德國等列強繼續入侵,又要防止民眾因生計而繼起反抗,進而引發教案,使列強乘機宣戰,先後向山東巡撫張汝梅、北洋大臣直隸總督王文韶、代理營務的徐世昌出謀劃策,預籌戰備。袁世凱提出的建議促使清廷認識到山東局勢的嚴重性。1899年5月1日,榮祿命令袁世凱和聶士成各率所部,開往山東境內演習。袁世凱此行的目的,公開宣布的是「藉以彈壓匪類,保護教民」,實則是遏制德軍。
義和團興起于山東後,歷任山東巡撫李秉衡、張汝梅和毓賢在不同程度上同情義和團,並直接或間接地支持拳民,其中毓賢態度尤為明顯,甚至煽動民眾鬧事襲擾洋人,這引起列強對他的不滿。1899年12月5日,美國公使康格徑向總理衙門提出,要求撤換毓賢,以平息山東民教糾紛,美國公使稱:「假如沒有足夠武力的話,可把天津操練得很好的軍隊調去協助」,不點名的推薦袁世凱代替毓賢。此意見亦符合慈禧太后及榮祿罷免毓賢,任命袁世凱的想法。12月6日,袁世凱被任命為署理山東巡撫。但而後義和團團民進入北京,並在慈禧太后同意之下開始殺害外國人,造成了庚子拳亂,1900年,八國聯軍之役爆發,山東省在袁世凱治下得以維持穩定,並且加入東南互保。
清末新政
1901年李鴻章去世,袁世凱接任直隸總督、北洋大臣,成為疆臣之首、北洋之主,同年他順利從八國聯軍手中接收天津。任直隸總督期間,袁世凱大力襄贊新政,包括廢除科舉、興辦學校、督辦新軍、發展實業、獎設工商等。1901年上奏呈請建立山東大學堂(今山東大學前身),後來參與到北洋大學(今天津大學前身)、北洋工藝學堂(今河北工業大學前身)的建設中,他一手創辦的北洋軍醫學堂成為今天中華民國最高層級的軍醫學校國防醫學院。由他倡導的北洋新區,是中國地區率先採用西方現代城市規劃理念而建成的城市新區。袁世凱以小站練兵為基礎,在保定編練北洋常備軍六鎮,後改稱為北洋陸軍重新編制,總兵額達7萬人。
1905年9月2日,直隸總督袁世凱、湖廣總督張之洞奏請立停科舉,推廣學堂。10月23日,陸軍在河間府會操,共有二鎮四協計3.32萬餘人,清廷派閱操大臣袁世凱、鐵良前往校閱;10月25日會操結束。為中國地區歷史上首次大規模現代化正式野戰演習。
1906年2月5日,直隸總督袁世凱、署兩江總督周馥、署兩廣總督岑春煊、湖廣總督張之洞電請外務部轉商駐京英公使薩道義,減少進口印度鴉片;2月6日,英公使薩道義答覆限制印度鴉片事,須俟中國自限栽種罌粟有效,始允照辦。2月11日,袁世凱奏設高等師範學堂於天津,山東、河南、陝西、山西、奉天等省均可派生附學。2月17日,袁世凱奏設礦務總局於天津,嚴禁私售礦產於外人。4月27日,袁世凱派武備學生分赴德、奧學習陸軍。5月25日,清廷電飭袁世凱、趙爾巽、程德全等協力進剿馬賊。6月13日,直隸總督袁世凱派馬隊1,200人剿辦馬賊。6月28日,直隸總督袁世凱批准北洋銀圓局立案開辦勸業鐵工廠。7月22日,直隸總督袁世凱奏稱,法國撤減直隸駐兵,交還廊坊、楊村、北戴河、秦皇島、山海關各處兵營。8月6日,出使各國考察政治大臣戴鴻慈、端方到達天津,同袁世凱討論籌備立憲及改革官制等事。8月9日,袁世凱會商兩大臣奏改官制,並飭辦學各紳商會議地方自治制度。8月23日,袁世凱委周學熙、孫多鑫收回唐山洋灰公司。10月22日,新建陸軍在河南彰德舉行秋操大典,袁世凱、鐵良為總校閱官,10月25日舉行閱兵儀式。11月18日,袁世凱片請開去參預政務等項兼差,又請將陸軍第一、三、五、六各鎮歸陸軍部統轄,直境第二、四兩鎮由其統轄督練。11月20日,清廷准袁世凱片,開去各項兼差,並諭全國陸軍均歸陸軍部統轄,第二、四兩鎮暫由該督調遣訓練。12月21日,端方奏稱已商請袁世凱先後調撥「海圻」、「海籌」、「海容」、「海琛」、「飛鷹」五艦入江,以資鎮懾。
1898年的戊戌維新因守舊勢力的強烈反對而未能推行。《辛丑和約》後,立憲聲浪日漲,慈禧太后宣布預備立憲,領導者正是掌握北洋大權的袁世凱。1906年8月26日,清廷諭派醇親王載灃、軍機大臣奕劻、政務處大臣張百熙、大學士孫家鼐等暨參預政務大臣袁世凱,公同閱看考察各國政治大臣條陳各折件,請旨辦理。8月27日,慈禧太后召見袁世凱,袁面奏先組織內閣,從改革官制入手。8月28日,清廷帝後召見大學士、軍機大臣、直督袁世凱等,討論出使各國考察政治大臣條陳各折件,商討實施立憲事宜。9月2日,清廷為厘定官制,派載澤、世續、戴鴻慈及袁世凱等14人公同編纂,並命端方、張之洞等六總督派員至京隨同參議,由奕劻、孫家鼐、瞿鴻禨總司核定;是日至10月7日,編纂諸大臣接連在朗潤園會議官制。9月13日,清廷據袁世凱奏請於奉天省安東縣大東溝設海關分卡,歸安東關兼轄。9月26日,袁世凱刊刻各國官制大略及組織之用意,分送各王大臣及政界中人。9月30日,戶部尚書鐵良反對改革官制,與袁世凱大起衝突,鎮國公載澤嚴劾鐵良阻撓立憲。10月9日,內閣學士文海奏,欲去軍機大臣,設大總理,是欲學從前之日本權在大將軍,請即行裁撤厘定官制館,並請飭袁世凱速回本任。10月17日,袁世凱編刊《立憲綱要》,頒發直隸各屬。由袁世凱主導的官制改革方案出爐,因對滿清親貴不利,又遭反對。慈禧又改換其他大臣繼續制定方案,最終形成對滿人官員有利的方案。
1907年1月13日,清廷諭軍機大臣著直督袁世凱迅飭提督夏辛西統帶原統隊伍,前往山東督辦兗(州)曹(州)剿匪事宜。3月13日,盛京將軍趙爾巽、直隸總督袁世凱聯電外務部,請與日使議訂《滿韓陸路通商詳細專章》。3月29日,都察院代表直隸、江蘇、山東三省京官籌款自建津鎮鐵路,清廷諭軍機大臣著袁世凱、張之洞妥商辦理。5月17日,袁世凱派蔡廷幹統帶軍艦「海容」、「海圻」兩艘游歷南洋,藉以保護華僑。6月17日,清廷以軍機大臣、協辦大學士、外務部尚書瞿鴻禨「徇私溺職」命開缺回籍,朝野為之震動,是為清末「丁未政潮」。黨爭中林紹年請辭。7月10日,外務部以中俄北滿洲稅關章程業已互換,咨南洋大臣端方、北洋大臣袁世凱,北滿洲稅關定期開關。7月12日,御史趙炳麟奏劾袁世凱權重勢高,並引年羹堯為比。7月28日,袁世凱奏請趕緊實行預備立憲,條陳管見十事,其要旨為:建政府、設資政院、辦地方自治、普及教育、融化滿漢界限;袁世凱奏請簡派明達治體之大臣,分赴德國日本會同出使大臣考察憲法,並請簡擇王公近支聰穎特出者遣赴英國德國學習政治兵備,助預備立憲之施行。
1907年8月18日,天津縣議事會成立,選出正、副議長。8月24日,清廷電召直隸總督袁世凱入京陛見,8月30日袁入京。8月30日,袁世凱奏請以天津為模範,計劃全省自治辦法,期以三年一律告成,以為預備立憲之基。9月4日,清廷命外務部尚書呂海寰開缺,充會辦稅務大臣,以直隸總督袁世凱為外務部尚書;任大學士張之洞、外務部尚書袁世凱為軍機大臣。10月26日,湖北按察使梁鼎芬奏劾奕劻、袁世凱貪私誤國,徐世昌、楊士驤、陳夔龍等夤緣比附,清廷詔以其摭拾空言,有意沽名,傳旨申斥。同時也使袁氏疏遠軍事,有明升暗降之嫌。同年,在袁世凱的運作下,中國第一支新式地方警察隊伍及最早的近代地方議會組織(天津議會),均正式成立於天津;同時,袁又下令直隸各州試驗地方選舉、地方自治和司法獨立。
1908年光緒帝、慈禧太后相繼去世,溥儀繼位,因溥儀年幼而由隆裕太后垂簾聽政,醇親王載灃任攝政王。3月9日,康有為致書梁啟超,力主聯絡肅親王善耆以打擊袁世凱。由於載灃反對袁世凱的許多新政措施,並建議隆裕太后解除袁世凱所有職務,於是隆裕下詔解除袁的職務(根據溥儀回憶錄,載灃認為其兄光緒帝係袁世凱謀害,亟思報仇,但袁掌握軍系人脈,無法斷然下手),袁見形勢不利,決定稱疾返回河南,最初隱居於輝縣,後轉至彰德府洹上村(今河南省安陽市)。在此期間,袁韜光養晦,隱居時仍關心政事。
東山再起
1911年10月10日新軍陸軍第八鎮兵變,引爆武昌起義,並成立以黎元洪為都督的中華民國軍政府鄂軍都督府;後相繼有多個省宣布獨立,支持反清;為取得交戰的合法地位,各方反清勢力均主張組建中央臨時政府。清政府內部清楚知道中國國內,僅有北洋軍可以抵抗叛軍,於是命陸軍大臣廕昌率軍南下鎮壓起義,但廕昌無力駕馭北洋軍。奕劻及內閣協理大臣那桐、徐世昌等人深感局勢嚴重,一致主張起用袁世凱,英美等國公使也建議起用袁世凱,載灃見內外一致認為「非袁不能收拾局面」,唯有于10月14日任袁世凱為湖廣總督,派其南下壓制起義。
鎮壓革命
湖北
1911年10月27日,袁世凱接任欽差大臣,任命馮國璋為第一軍總統,立即對湖北革命軍展開攻勢。30日,馮國璋縱火焚燒漢口,迫使革命軍退守漢陽,11月27日又攻占漢陽,革命軍撤入武昌。
河北
1911年12月18日,耿世昌率領五百餘革命黨人,發動任丘縣起義。袁世凱聞訊,從保定調動兩營淮軍前來圍剿,最終將其徹底剿滅。
1912年1月3日,灤州起義軍在知府衙門宣布起義,成立北方軍政府,聲明從屬中華民國,議和期內「袁氏不得派兵來攻」。袁世凱則拘禁馮玉祥在海陽,令其無法與之會師。
山西
吳祿貞遇刺後,燕晉聯軍破產,袁世凱派北洋軍第三鎮開赴山西,兵迫娘子關。1911年12月12日,北洋軍炮轟娘子關,革命軍棄關退走。
山東
1911年11月12日,山東宣布獨立,袁世凱任命張廣建為山東布政使、吳炳湘為巡警道,赴濟南迫使都督孫寶琦取消獨立。
奉天
1912年1月,藍天蔚籌劃組織北伐軍兩千人在煙臺登陸。26日,袁世凱電告趙爾巽:「藍天蔚現暫駐煙臺為根據地,擬日內派一支隊于貔子窩附近登岸,其餘大隊于日本租界域外之地點登岸,進攻奉天、牽制北方各軍,希飭嚴密探訪。」又派人到瀋陽跟趙爾巽和諮議局議定辦法五條,其中第三條是嚴搜民黨,第四條是驅逐「急進會」會長張榕。
河南
12月29日起,陝西革命軍陸續東征,袁世凱令第二鎮統制王占元、第六鎮協統周符麟集中兵力,挾野炮山炮五六十門向民軍進攻,又增調毅軍十營,將革命軍擊退至陝西潼關。又將革命黨人劉純仁、紀宗義、劉建中三人殺害。
安徽
1911年12月,淮上軍欲西征馳援河南,袁世凱調北洋第三鎮兩千多人南下阻擊,又派河南布政使倪嗣衝率武右軍進入安徽,于12月10日攻陷太和,繼則撲向潁州。于15日破城,「以剪髮為革命軍符號,殺之無遺。」
南北和談
隨著戰事延長,部分革命黨人、相繼獨立的各省、海外華僑希望袁世凱贊助共和,他們中有的希望袁回旗北向對付清廷,有的發出推舉其擔任籌備中的中華民國首任大總統的邀請。如10月27日,黎元洪勸袁率部下健兒回旗北向;11月2日,倫敦和芝加哥華僑電報,稱袁世凱資格,適于總統;11月9日,革命黨人黃興以南方民軍司令名義親自致電袁世凱,將袁世凱與拿破崙和華盛頓做類比,表示若袁能直搗黃龍,南北各省都會聽命于他;11月12日,黎元洪又向袁世凱表示,只要袁「能來歸」,第一任之中華共和國大總統就非袁莫屬。
另一方面,10月29日張紹曾等將領聯名向朝廷施壓,請求清廷儘快立憲,以政治變革回應南方獨立各省立憲派的訴求,史稱灤州兵諫。兵諫次日,清廷便宣布特赦國事犯(即政治犯),解除黨禁。11月1日清政府又宣佈解散滿人皇族內閣,11月3日頒布《憲法重大信條十九條》,資政院于11月8日推舉袁世凱為內閣總理大臣,期間其居住于錫拉胡同19號四合院,原為慈禧之故居。11月13日袁世凱從南方抵京組建組閣,11月16日以漢人為主的袁世凱內閣名單公布。11月26日,北洋軍一舉攻克漢陽,這樣既能給清政府內部主戰派有所交代,又能迫使黎元洪談判。同時,英國駐華公使朱爾典有意調停戰事,願意促成袁世凱內閣與黎元洪停戰議和。在起義軍節節失利的情況下,黎元洪通過英國駐漢口總領事與袁世凱聯絡,有意停戰,並于11月30日達成停戰協議。12月2日,《時報》發表袁世凱的政見,他呼籲各方以大局為重,滿漢兩族冰釋前嫌,主張清廷君主立憲,以避免國家分裂,他會與進步黨中的民主共和派和君主立憲派通力合作,使各事都能處置妥當。他說:
大清帝國覆滅
在南方獨立各省為組建中央臨時政府召開的聯合會中,1911年12月2日《漢口會議》確定「虛臨時總統之席以待袁君反正來歸」。12月4日的《上海會議》根據《漢口會議》的精神,決定暫緩選舉臨時大總統,以虛位待袁,同時決定大總統職權暫由大元帥行使,選舉黃興為大元帥,遭到黎元洪等人反對。《南京會議》改選黎元洪為大元帥,因其在武昌,不方便到南京工作,所以讓黃興代職。而黃興力辭不就,組建中央臨時政府陷入殭局。12月18日,袁世凱和黎元洪派代表在上海就政體、清皇室善後、大總統的確立等問題展開討論,南北達成共識,召開國民會議表決相關議題,根據當時的形勢,袁世凱無疑將當選民國首任總統。這樣的結果是同盟會不願接受的,12月29日,同盟會連夜赴南京召集代表開會,提出成立政府,並選出孫中山為南京政府臨時大總統,12月31出版的《紐約時報》報道指出參加這次選舉的代表未經各省民意正式授權,僅持有各省督軍或領導人信函。孫中山致電袁世凱,解釋原因稱東南各省久缺統一機關,行動困難,總統之職只是暫時擔任。
1912年1月11日,北洋軍全體將領通電清廷,稱軍情緊急,請求王公大臣捐獻私財,毀家紓難,共濟時艱。這其實是袁世凱壓制清廷主戰派的手段。1月12日,奕劻配合袁世凱在宮廷會議上提出皇帝退位和民國政府優待清室條件。1月16日袁世凱親自上奏隆裕太后,說自古無不亡之國,大清皇帝退位仍能保持尊號,享受歲費。在當日上午退朝回家路上,袁世凱遭到中國同盟會京津分會組織的炸彈暗殺,炸死袁侍衛隊長等十人,袁倖免於難。袁世凱後來稱病休息,但繼續讓他的親信代他逼宮。1月18日,孫中山以提出《五條要約》的方式向袁世凱攤牌,企圖做實南京臨時政府。經過反覆修改又于1月22日以公諸報端的方式將幕後談判全部曝光,勢同最後通牒,這不但令袁世凱極其尷尬和不滿,也讓議和全權代表伍廷芳盡失顏面。袁世凱以孫中山提出的條件與南北雙方協商的內容不一致為由拒絕接受,袁世凱認為,如果清帝退位後各國不能及時承認中華民國,南京臨時政府又不能統一中國,中國便成無政府狀態,這樣就無法維持秩序,對付外人。如果孫中山一定堅持己見,他不得不作廢先前談妥之事。期間,革命黨孫中山黃興與陳其美等人同時推動向英日俄等外國勢力借款,以籌備與袁決戰,但未能如願。袁為少生枝節,屢屢向孫妥協,同意同盟會多人進入總長之列,同盟會最終如願以償。袁世凱於是加快了逼宮的腳步,1912年1月26日,在袁世凱授意下,段祺瑞等北洋軍五十位將領發布了《北洋五十將乞共和電》,向隆裕太后逼宮,不久,段祺瑞又發表《乞共和第二電》,直接挑明「謹率全軍將士入京,與王公剖陳利害」,直接以武力恐嚇隆裕太后,隆裕于2月12日頒降懿旨,接受《優待清室條件》,幼帝溥儀退位,清帝國把政權交給袁世凱,讓他組織臨時共和政府,清朝統治宣告終止。她在《宣統帝退位詔書》中說:
中華民國總統
臨時大總統
南北議和後,1912年2月13日,袁世凱通電「贊成共和」,孫中山向臨時參議院提出辭職咨文,2月14日南京臨時參議院批准。2月15日,南京參議院正式選舉袁世凱為中華民國臨時大總統。
袁世凱迫使清帝退位後,孫中山及南京臨時政府為了防範袁世凱獨裁,維護民主共和制度,制定了《中華民國臨時約法》,變總統制為責任內閣制,孫中山辭職時提出了定都南京、新總統到南京就職和遵守《中華民國臨時約法》三項條件。袁在複電中稱自己「德薄能鮮,不敢承擔總統一職;如今北方危機四伏,險象環生,目前不便南下;自己經反覆思量後,與其孫大總統辭職,不如世凱退居」,電報公布後,各方輿論紛紛反對定都南京。孫中山隨後與臨時參議院討論投票決定定都地點,結果參議院以20票的壓倒多數反對定都南京,但孫仍堅持主張,最後在黃興的威脅及吳玉章等人的疏通下,臨時參議院又重新投票,並以19票比17票的結果通過定都南京。2月29日,北京兵變後,袁世凱決定在北京就職,成立北洋政府。3月11日,孫中山頒布了臨時參議院通過的《中華民國臨時約法》,袁世凱表示擁護《臨時約法》。唐紹儀內閣在施政上反映了同盟會約束袁世凱的要求,引發袁世凱的強烈不滿。6月間,國務總理唐紹儀任命非袁嫡系的王芝祥為直隸總督,袁世凱原本同意,後指使北洋將領通電反對,並不經內閣副署發表了改任王為南方軍宣慰使的命令,破壞責任內閣制,唐紹儀及四位同盟會閣員被迫于6月16日辭職並離開北京。袁世凱先提出了無黨派的陸征祥組閣,參議院因其發言不當新提閣員全部被否決而流產。北京軍警指參議院挾持私見,黎元洪責違背共和精神,章炳麟斥責為「奸府」,請袁世凱便宜行事,盛傳將解散參議院,參議院迫于形勢,通過了袁世凱提出的閣員,次日彈劾陸征祥失職,陸稱病請假,袁世凱任命趙秉鈞代理,至此內閣被袁世凱直接控制。
孫中山讓位總統後,從事國家建設,宣傳民生主義、事業發展、鐵路計劃,黃興請辭南京留守,表示沒有割據的意思。內閣問題發生後,袁世凱邀請孫中山、黃興前往北京,消除爭端。應黎元洪的請求,袁世凱召集了武昌起義首義者之一,被尊為共和元勛的張振武和方維,以「圖謀不軌」于8月16日在北京殺害,引發臨時參議院和黃興的言辭責問。袁世凱為離間黎元洪和同盟會,將黎元洪的來電公布,使得黎元洪無法辯駁而只能依附袁世凱。8月下旬,孫中山和黃興北上,孫在北京停留20多天,與袁世凱會面13次,希望袁世凱作正式總統,十年內練陸軍百萬,建築鐵路十萬里,袁世凱授予計劃全權。為了讓袁世凱放手作為,孫、黃同意由趙秉鈞出任內閣總理。9月25日,袁世凱發表八大政綱。10月,梁啓超得到袁世凱的諒解,從日本返國,在北京受到袁世凱的隆重歡迎,頗受感動。
在1913年2月舉行的民國首次國會選舉中,國民黨獲得多數議席,按約法精神應由該黨理事長宋教仁出任國務總理,不料宋于3月20日在上海被暗殺。時人普遍認為袁世凱授意暗殺,引發全國聲討。《民權報》發表《膽大妄為之袁世凱》、《大總統之叛逆》等文,稱袁世凱為「專制魔王」,提出「以暴易暴,慘無人道,欲真共和,重為改造」的口號。3月26日,孫中山抵達上海,與黃興會晤,號召武力討伐袁世凱,但遭到黨內人士反對,經過3個月未能組織起討伐袁世凱的力量。4月26日,袁世凱未經國會同意,以全部鹽稅收入作為抵押,與英、法、德、日、俄五國銀行團簽訂2500萬英鎊的「善後大借款」。4月7日,袁世凱發布秘密動員令,5月1日起用段祺瑞代理國務總理,開始軍事部署。5月21日,袁世凱發最後通牒,「現在看透孫、黃,除搗亂外無本領。左又是搗亂,右又是搗亂。我受四萬萬人民付託之重,不能以四萬萬人之財產生命,聽人搗亂。自信政治軍事經驗,外交信用,不下于人。若彼等能力能代我,我亦未嘗不願,然今日誠未敢多讓。彼等若敢另行組織政府,我即敢舉兵征伐之!」下令免去江西都督李烈鈞、廣東都督胡漢民及安徽都督柏文蔚的職務並派兵南下。7月12日,李烈鈞宣布獨立組織討袁軍,「二次革命」爆發,隨後安徽、廣東、福建、湖南、上海和重慶相繼宣告獨立。9月,馮國璋與張勳攻占南京,各省相繼取消獨立,北洋勢力擴展到長江流域,孫中山、黃興、李烈鈞和胡漢民逃亡日本。
正式大總統
1913年10月6日,中華民國大總統選舉過程中,袁世凱派手下偽裝組成的公民團數千人包圍國會,打著「公民團」的旗幟,叫喊「今日非將公民所矚望的總統選出,不許選舉人出會場一步」。從早上8時到晚10時,議員忍飢挨餓,連續投票3次。然而,在前兩輪投票中,袁世凱仍然分別只得到了471票和497票,未達到法定四分之三的票數規定。最後,議員被迫選袁世凱為正式大總統。10月10日,袁在中華民國正式大總統就職演說中,談及個人從政生涯及共和國成立後,法律、道德、教育和實業發展等方面問題。10月14日,由國會編制的《天壇憲法草案》脫稿,乃是《中華民國臨時約法》的增訂版。袁世凱10月16日在《致眾議院咨請增修約法案文》中指出臨時約法限制過苛,而臨時約法第五十五條規定大總統有提議增修約注之權,所以為了政務統一,要求國會擴大總統職權。但國會將大總統的提案置于勿庸討論之境地,並在此後再三拒絕聽取袁世凱的陳述。袁的意見遭國會堵塞後,他向全國各省軍民長官發出通電,公開陳述自己對憲法草案的意見,以爭取國會外乃至整個社會的支持。各省軍民長官在電複中均支持袁世凱的意見。
1913年11月4日,袁世凱根據警備司令官查獲贛省起事(即二次革命組成部分)領導者李烈鈞與國民黨本部及國民黨籍國會議員有密電來往勾結之實,遂發佈《解散國民黨通令》,並取消國民黨籍議員的資格,內中指出:
國民黨籍議員的資格取消後,國會因法定人數不足而休會,袁世凱派員組織中央政治會議作為臨時替代機構,在召開的首次政治會議上,袁世凱指出內政紊亂是因部分人錯誤理解平等、自由和共和的內涵所致,還聲明亂黨人員失敗後捲公款而逃,並談及外交及司法獨立問題。1914年1月,袁世凱根據黎元洪等人及政治會議的意見,將國會解散。1914年3月31日,袁世凱頒布了以「民告官」為特色的《平政院編制令》。1914年5月,袁世凱公布《中華民國約法》,改責任內閣制為總統制。1914年12月29日,公布《修正大總統選舉法》,規定總統任期十年,可以連選連任。
與日條約
背景
1914年,第一次世界大戰爆發,袁世凱政府要求德國把侵占的山東半島權益交還中國,遭拒。當時美國注意力已轉移至歐洲,而英國則希望日本能成為在其遠東的盟友,日本于是在8月23日以英日同盟(協約國)為理由出兵占領了德國在中國的勢力範圍膠澳地區(今屬青島市)和山東膠濟鐵路沿線地帶。袁世凱政府分別在1914年11月18日和1915年1月7日兩次要求日本政府從中國撤軍。
民國初期,臨時大總統孫中山所主導的南京臨時政府為從日本獲取資金,打算與日本軍部關係密切的三井物產森恪簽訂近乎出賣中國主權的《中日合辦漢冶萍借款合同》。1915年2月2日,日本趁歐美各國無暇東顧之際,秘密向袁世凱提出了五號共計二十一個條款(簡稱《二十一條》)的無理要求,而其中部分條款就是以孫中山早前提出的若干出讓中國主權的條款為底本,如有關漢冶萍公司的條款及孫中山與森恪之間達成的以租借滿洲給日本為條件的秘密借款案。日本還逼迫袁世凱政府承認日本取代德國在華的一切特權,進一步擴大日本在滿洲及蒙古的權益,以及承諾聘用日本人為顧問。日本的要求等同于將中國納入成為其保護國。美國聞訊雖對日本提出抗議,但日方並沒有收回其主要要求。
經過
從1915年2月2日到5月7日,歷時105天,袁世凱政府與日方談判20多次。在談判中中國代表對日本的要求多有抵制。袁世凱政府採取各種辦法拖延時間並向社會各界透漏日本之無理要求,以期國際社會干涉此案,並喚起國內輿論討伐日本,國內民眾反對《二十一條》的呼聲日漸高漲,4月26日,日本代表提出最後修正案,做出一些小讓步。5月1日中國方面提出修正案,仍堅持自己的立場,于是日本政府刪除對中國最為不利的第五號要求。5月6日,袁世凱在《大總統袁世凱致各省電》中稱:
日本政府終于惱羞成怒于5月7日向袁世凱政府發出最後通牒,限5月9日下午6點前答覆,否則將執行必要之手段。此時的日本擺出大戰一場的姿態,軍艦在渤海一帶游弋,山東、奉天兵力增加,關東戒嚴,日僑紛紛回國。5月8日袁世凱召集政府要員開會,袁世凱認為日本已收回對中國最為不利的第五號各條款,其他條款已非亡國條件,為避免開戰,所以接受日本條件。他說:
在日本的脅迫下,袁世凱政府5月9日在回應了日方的最後通牒後將當日定為中國國恥日,史稱五九國恥。此後,雙方分別準備簽約事宜,在條約文字內容上仍有不少折衝,最後于5月25日在北京簽署《關于山東省之條約》、《關于南滿洲及東部內蒙古之條約》及13件換文,總稱《中日民四條約》,與《二十一條》原案比較,中國損失相較于原案已儘可能減小到最低程度。近年來一些新資料表明,條約簽訂之前袁世凱政府還有另一重壓力,當時日本駐華公使日置益向袁世凱面遞《二十一條》時曾說:
籌建中華帝國
君主立憲背景
1915年夏,北京政局動蕩不定,共和政體以來亂象不斷,《二十一條》剛交涉結束,「共和不適于中國國情」之言論不斷在社會上傳播。8月3日,由通曉中國事務的前哈佛大學校長查爾斯·艾略特為袁安排憲法顧問弗蘭克·約翰遜·古德諾發表《共和與君主論》稱:「......大多數之人民智識不甚高尚......由專制一變而為共和,此誠太驟之舉動,難望有良好結果......中國將來必因總統繼承問題『釀成禍亂』......如一時不即撲滅,或馴至敗壞中國之獨立......中國如用君主制,較共和制為宜,此殆無可疑者也」。從世界形勢看,當時採用君主立憲政體的強國亦不在少數。
8月14日,有十三太保之稱的楊度和孫毓筠等人成立籌安會,發文支持施行君憲。楊度認為,國家須一元領導才能安定,在安定環境中才能立憲,並逐漸富強。他指出,只有君主立憲才能救中國,其一:中國人文化程度低,共和難以立憲,只有君主才能立憲;其二,共和國選舉總統時易動亂。8月23日,籌安會召集各省文武官吏和商團進京商討國體事宜,除少數表示擁護共和外,大都表示必須改變國體。8月25日,蔡鍔等北洋軍人請願帝制。袁克定亦偽造《順天時報》,營造日本支持袁稱帝的氛圍。
9月1日,參政院開幕,請願團紛紛向參政院請願施行君憲制。蔡鍔、沈雲沛、周家彥等人也在同日請願改變國體。袁世凱在9月6日說:「本大總統所見,改革國體,經緯萬端,極應審慎,如急遽輕舉,恐多窒礙。本大總統有保持大局之責,認為不合事宜」。梁士詒又在9月19日成立全國請願聯合會,向參政院呈上二次請願書,要求召開國民會議,票決國體。10月6日,參議院收到建議改國體為君憲制的各省代表請願書83件。依參政院起草的《國民代表大會組織法》,由全國選出的國民代表共計1993人于1915年12月11日上午9時就國體變更問題投票,結果全票通過君憲制。當日,各省代表請袁接受推戴書,袁以「民國初建,本大總統曾向參議院宣誓,願竭力發揚共和,今若帝制自為,則是背棄誓詞」為由婉拒。當晚,孫毓筠等人又以參政院總代表的名義呈遞二次推戴書,稱:
12月12日,袁世凱宣佈改次年為洪憲元年,準備即皇帝位當日早上,袁世凱申令「天下興亡,匹夫有責,……但億兆推戴,責任重大,應如何厚利民生,應如何振興國勢,應如何刷新政治,躋進文明,種種措置,豈于薄德鮮能所克負荷。前次掬誠陳述,本非故為謙讓,實因惴惕文縈,有不能自己者也。乃國民責備愈嚴,期望愈切,竟使子無以自解,並無可諉避」,袁接受第二次推戴後,袁的外國顧問團仿照《日本皇室典範》擬定《新皇室規範》:
此後,中華帝國進入籌備階段,欲改年號為洪憲,意為洪揚憲法,總統府改為新華宮。然而蔡鍔、唐繼堯等人在1915年12月25日聯名通電全國,宣布雲南獨立,舉行護國運動,西南爆發反袁運動。袁得知消息後,于12月29日下令免去蔡鍔等人職務,稱蔡鍔討論國體問題時,曾聯合北京的高級軍官首先署名主張君主立憲,後請假出國就醫,怎會秘密回到雲南,袁世凱不相信蔡鍔欺騙自己,但無論宣布雲南獨立的通電是否受人脅迫或被奸人捏造,唐繼堯、任可澄都應承擔地方之責,蔡鍔行跡詭秘,不知遠嫌,所以將他們三人免職,聽候查辦。原令如下:
中華帝國結束
蔡鍔當初多次勸進袁世凱君主立憲制,後來卻又起兵討袁,袁世凱才明白自己被蔡鍔欺騙了。1915年12月雲南起義爆發後,袁世凱組織北洋軍征伐滇軍,互有勝負。與此同時,中華革命黨和日本帝國也趁機活動,日本早在1916年初就開始密切關注中國動向,袁世凱政權並不符合日本在華利益,因此日本在背後以各種手段支持反袁勢力。雖然部分官員及參政院奏請袁世凱早日登基,但隨著戰勢的加劇,人心不穩,黔、蜀、粵等省相繼宣布獨立,馮國璋于1916年3月18日聯合5名將軍發密電致各省將軍,就迅速取消帝制、懲辦禍首、停戰議和等徵求各省將軍同意。袁世凱在內外交困之下,於1916年3月22日召秘書張一麟起草文告宣佈取消君主立憲國體,退回各省區推戴書,所有籌備事宜停止,中華帝國隨之流產,張一麟憶述當時情形:
袁世凱在《撤銷帝制令》中申明,民國建立以來變故紛乘,憂國人士多主張恢復帝制以結束爭端。1913年後,主張帝制的聲音不絕于耳,每次都遭他呵斥。1915年形勢有變,多數人都說若不施行君主立憲制,就不能救亡圖存。且看墨西哥革命後的內戰及葡萄牙第一共和國成立後,越南、緬甸一定會步其後塵。帝制論者言之有理,各界紛陳來電呼籲帝制。而自己一再聲明有維護國體之責,但主張帝制者依然堅持,所以他決定由國會解散國體,大家一致贊成君主立憲。他說,數千年來帝王子孫之禍不斷,而主張帝制者本意是鞏固國基,然愛國誤入歧途足以害國。反帝制者也發表了政見,但不能矯枉過正,危及國家。他望各方摒棄異見、同心協力,神州華裔不應同室操戈。並將所有責任歸咎于己,不怪罪他人。
5月4日,梁啓超電勸段祺瑞出以果斷,勸袁退位。5月6日,袁世凱通電陳宧,同意自大總統之職退位,但需要先商定善後。馮國璋聯絡各省于5月17日組織召開《南京會議》,因各省區將軍代表謀略不一,會議無果而終。
早在3月27日,袁的身體即出現病狀,報載袁病失音,疑系中毒。5月16日,袁的腰和枕骨出現疼痛症狀,飲食銳減,不能入寐。5月28日袁病重,顏色憔悴。6月3日病篤,飲食即吐,小便癃閉。6月5日中午袁猝暈,6月6日上午10時15分袁逝世。袁謝世之日,他的書案上有他親筆書寫的一句話「為日本去一大敵,看中國再造共和」。
身後
儘管他在遺囑中說「余之死骸勿付國葬,由袁家自行料理」,繼任者黎元洪則以「民國肇建,......(袁世凱)奠定大局,苦心擘畫,昕夕勤勞,天不假年......所有喪葬典禮......務極優隆,用符國家崇德報功之至意」命國務院為袁世凱舉辦一場集古今中外皇庶官民新舊典章于一舉的國葬。令各官署、軍營、軍艦、海關下半旗二十七日,6月28日出殯日全國下半旗一日,鳴砲108響,京師學校當日停課。北洋政府根據其「葬吾洹上」的遺願,委派河南巡按使田文烈趕赴河南安陽慎選堪輿,勘定吉壤,最終選定洹水北岸,工程持續近兩年,由北洋政府撥款50餘萬銀元,徐世昌、段祺瑞、王士珍等8人募捐25萬餘銀元建成,陵墓被稱為「袁林」,佔地近130畝。
任內施政
黨獄方面
「二次革命」失敗後,袁世凱利用軍政執法處殺害的人即「數以千計」;其中較為著名者有:四川會黨領袖張百祥,密謀刺殺袁的程澤湘,辛亥南京革命軍正參謀曹錫圭,山東同盟會支部長徐鏡心,四川民政長張培爵,北京《民主報》總編輯仇亮,江蘇第三師旅長張秀全,南京臨時政府交通部司長林逸民,湖北軍政府北伐學生軍隊長方亞凡,辛亥山東煙臺民軍營長左憲章,河南革命軍參謀余國楨等。1913年9月黎元洪捕殺革命黨人寧調元、熊樾山。次年段芝貴在湖北全省進行「清鄉」,從6月至11月破獲「亂黨之案百數十起」。1914年6月湯薌銘破壞「長沙革命黨機關」,逮捕四十多人,其中二十九人被慘殺。倪嗣衝于安慶設探訪局,任命王之綱為局長,人稱王為「活閻王」,在兩年之中竟殺害革命黨人五百七十餘人。1914年3月,龍濟光派兵「清鄉」,迭次破獲亂黨機關,「厥功甚著」,袁特贈他一等嘉禾章。
社會方面
1913年8月,北京《愛國報》編輯丁葆臣(楨)作「時評」說:「軍人為國家賣命,非為個人賣命者。為個人可謀生計之處甚多,何必從軍。」便被軍政執法處逮捕,以「跡近通匪、煽惑軍心」的罪名,加以殺害。1914年4月2日,袁世凱公布《報紙條例》,警察機關可以用「妨害治安」等理由,任意查封報社,禁止報紙發行,以致逮捕編輯、記者,判處徒刑。
1914年3月2日,袁世凱公布《治安警察條例》,規定「嚴禁秘密結社」和「同盟罷工」等。5月20日又公布了《地方保衛團條例》,命令各縣建立「保衛團」,負責「清查戶口」、「搜捕盜匪」。11月又先後公布恢復肉刑的《易笞條例》和《懲辦盜匪法》。
文化方面
清朝入主中原後,雖然實行剃髮易服政策和文字獄,但同時也尊崇儒學與孔子。袁世凱逼宣統帝退位之後,延續清朝的尊孔,1912年9月20日,袁世凱頒布《尊崇倫常文》,提倡國民尊崇儒家倫常,他在《通令國民尊崇倫常文》中說:
1913年6月22日,袁世凱頒布《尊崇孔聖文》,並在《中華民國憲法草案》裡規定:「國民教育以孔子之道為修身大本」。1914年8月頒布《暫行祭祀冠服制》,這是一部以明代祭服制度為主體,結合「周制」概念擬訂的祭祀冠服條例,恢復漢服式祭服,並于同年冬至在北京天壇舉辦具有漢人政權特色的祭天典禮。1914年9月25日,袁世凱又頒布《祭孔令》,明令中央和各地方須在孔子誕辰之日舉行祭孔活動,並于28日舉行中華民國官方首次「官祭孔子」活動,又令財政部撥款修繕北京孔廟。1914年11月3日,袁世凱在《箴規世道人心告令》中稱「忠孝節義」為國粹,指責亂黨破壞中國社會秩序:
另外,華人四大節日與春節的設立也與袁世凱有關。農曆新年的第一天「元旦」是中國的傳統節日,可上溯至4000多年前,而現行的春節歷史卻很短。1913年,袁世凱批准以農曆正月初一為「春節」,例行放假;而元旦改為國曆一月一日,從1914年開始實行並延續至今。
軍事方面
1903年起,袁世凱開始著手中國軍事現代化的工作,在中國軍制改革、軍事教育、建軍治軍、近代警察制度等方面做出大量有益嘗試。在華北組建中國近代第一支新式軍隊,僱傭德軍教官,創辦警、步、馬、砲、工、輜等兵科,設立現代化的通訊兵學校,培養大批軍事人才,先後有5人當上中華民國總統或總理。至接掌北洋,裁撤舊軍改編警察,令中國軍警分離,清末巡警制度的創立是中國警察制度近代化的開始。
對外軍事方面,袁在1884年朝鮮王朝的甲申政變中,在無法得到國內指示的危機時刻,當機立斷,率軍擊退日軍,瓦解了朝鮮親日派和日軍顛覆朝鮮政權的圖謀。之後,在袁任清朝駐朝鮮大臣期間,他盡一切可能擴大中國在朝鮮的影響力,成為朝鮮王朝內最有權勢的人物,全面掌握朝鮮的商業、外交事務和內政。義和團運動爆發後,在山東的袁世凱與兩廣的李鴻章、湖廣的張之洞,兩江的劉坤一,一起組織了東南自保運動,反對朝廷對於義和團的支持、也反對朝廷對外國的宣戰,並在他們的管轄範圍內鎮壓拳民,保護在華外國人的安全。雖然這一政策對於民族主義者來說具有反動性,但是也正是這一政策使得經濟昌盛的東南地區,避免了義和團運動帶來的社會混亂與外國武力的入侵。
經濟方面
工業方面,他積極發展實業經濟,1905年,他出面籌錢,督修了中國人自己建造的第一條鐵路京張鐵路,自1912年到1914年這3年間,新開的工廠為4000多家,民族資本興建的麵粉廠、火柴廠、捲菸廠、造紙廠以及採煤、冶煉企業,得到長足發展。袁世凱在遭譴歸隱之後還說出「官可不做,實業不可不辦」的話。袁世凱當政時期,頒布實行了一系列有利于中國民族工業發展的經濟政策,扶持弱勢的民族工商業,提倡國貨,增加進口稅並減少出口稅,加強國貨競爭力,擴大國貨銷售市場。
農業方面,袁世凱在興辦農業教育、創設農業基金和推廣農業新技術方面做出嘗試。
財政金融方面,袁世凱籌公債、整頓稅收、開辦銀行、疏通金融、改革幣制,這些舉措不僅緩解了當時的財政危機也促進了中國近代財政金融的現代化。
在對外經濟交往方面,袁世凱主動對外開放,開通商埠,這在近代中國對外開放的歷史進程中具有重要意義。袁世凱主張引進外資和僑資,前後素志不移,這在蘇杭甬鐵路、文辭協議、中美輪船公司等問題上即有體現。經過袁世凱的治理,中央財政也有很大改觀,從民國初年的借債度日到每年庫存可余兩千萬元。
教育方面
袁世凱興學重教,主張廢除科舉,興辦新式學校,積極倡導學子留洋。他與張之洞在1905年建議清廷廢除了沿襲一千多年的科舉制度。,在財政捉襟見肘的情況下,袁世凱推廣免費的新式學校,即四年制初級小學。他強調教育的重要性:國家之繁榮昌盛,實繫於國民之品德、知識和體力之高超,若欲提高此三者之水平,必得強化公民教育。袁世凱曾上奏《山東試辦大學堂暫行章程折稿》,同時調蓬萊知縣李于鍇進行籌備,《折稿》獲光緒皇帝批准,山東大學的前身山東大學堂正式成立,為山東高等教育寫下濃重一筆。袁世凱任直隸總督期間,頒行了一系列教育法規,創建學校司、提學使司、勸學所等近代新式教育管理機構,形成河北近代教育行政管理體制。另外,他多方籌措經費,培養師資,編輯新教材,創建新式小學、中學、大學和各種軍事學堂、實業學堂等新教育設施,建立河北近代新教育體系,從而使河北教育擺脫了舊教育的羈絆,步入近代化的發展軌道。
政治方面
袁世凱在政治層面的成果體現在清末政體、官制改革、近代法律、地方自治、維護領土完整等方面。袁對中國民主化進程的推進起了積極的作用,袁世凱在晚清時期高舉「立憲」大旗,幾乎是孤軍奮戰請求立憲,對晚清憲政起到了至關重要的作用。在他的逼宮下,清朝皇帝退位,亞洲第一個共和國中華民國得以成立。袁世凱作為編纂官制大臣,直接參與官制改革的討論與決策,在官制改革中的作用舉足輕重,他對文官的等級、任用、考試、懲戒、保障、甄別、恤金、待遇均制定了專門的法律,初步形成了一套文官管理制度,其中文官候選人考試,以考察行政能力與一般知識為主。並建立廉政機構,設置平議院,專門審理官員犯罪案。在法律建設上,袁世凱大力提拔、舉薦和重用新式法律人才,改革和完善近代司法制度,對引進西律、修訂舊律,加強中國法制現代化起到重要作用。袁世凱還是地方自治制度的積極參與者,在天津推行地方自治、試行普選制開全國先河,其成效影響深遠,直隸省(今河北省)也因此成為當時的模範省。全國各地借鑑天津地方自治的成功經驗,地方自治之花遍地開放。
禁毒禁賭
禁毒禁賭也是袁世凱的一貫主張。清末的煙館是重要的社交場所,風氣敗壞,直隸總督袁世凱在1907年5月19日上奏的《預籌革除鴉片折》中表示:「鴉片之害,荼毒生靈,虛糜金銀,不可勝計,實為中國貧弱之源」,袁世凱所領導的直隸省設立了200餘個戒煙分所,先後剷除煙館800多個,查獲秘密販煙案1300起,在禁止種植罌粟方面,他多次頒布曉諭,倘有偷種之戶,立將煙苗划去,地畝充公。當選民國總統後,袁世凱更是規定吸鴉片者立即戒除,販者分別停歇,種植者若不將煙田改種他物則一律治罪,凡官員故縱者,按情節輕重予以懲治,期間頒布的《禁煙令》至少有七次之多。在禁賭方面,袁世凱自小站練兵時期就禁止軍隊賭博,在其制定的《簡明軍律二十條》中有兩條為罰律,其中之一即是關于賭博,犯者插箭責罰。直隸總督時期,在直隸師範學堂和小學堂《學堂條規》中規定學堂上下人等一概嚴禁賭博,違者由總辦分別責飭開革。任職民國總統後,袁世凱則以法令的方式禁賭,1912年6月頒發的《暫行新刑律》對賭博者、開設賭場者規定有不同的刑罰。
評價
• 引自李敖千秋評論叢書《千秋·冤獄·黨》:「……蔡元培追憶這個中華民國大總統的罪惡,可蓋棺論定三點,第一是「官僚」,「畏強仰弱,假公濟私,口蜜腹劍,窮侈極欲,所以表官僚之黑暗也」;第二是「學究」,「天壇祀帝,小學讀經,復冕之飾,行拜跪之儀,所以表學究之頑舊也」;第三是「方士」,「武廟宣誓,教院祈禱,相士貢諛,神方治疾,所以表方士之迂怪也」。……」
• 袁世凱喜好打仗,殺人無數,人稱「人屠」。張之洞喜好建設,動輒用盡官府積蓄,被指為浪費銀兩,且又向當地門閥富豪募款,人稱「財屠」。岑春煊則喜好彈劾官吏,人稱「官屠」,並戲稱為「清末三屠」
• 徐凌霄、徐一士兄弟稱:「袁氏為人,有術而無學,重利害而輕是非。」
• 張之洞說:「袁豈僅有術,直多術耳。」
• 嚴複評價袁世凱說,袁世凱的才具,只適合擔任舊日帝制之下的督撫,「欲與列強君相抗衡,則太乏科哲知識,太無世界眼光。」
• 梁啓超說:「袁氏自身,原不知人之所以異于禽獸者何在,以為一切人類通性,惟見白刃則戰慄,見黃金則膜拜,吾挾此二物以臨天下,夫何其不得者。」
• 黃遠生評論袁世凱:「袁總統之為人,意志鎮靜,能御變故,其一長也。經驗豐富,周悉情偽,其長二也。見識閎遠,有容納之量,其長三也。強幹奮發,勤于治事,其四長也。拔擢材能,常有破格之舉,能盡其死力,其五長也。有此五長,而乃善日少而惡日多者,一由知識之不能與新社會相接,一由公心太少而自扶植勢力之意太多。綜言之,則新知識與道德之不備而已。故不能利用其長于極善之域,而反以濟惡。既自顧手執政權者十餘年,天下之大,變故之繁,無不為其牢籠而宰御,則益驕視一切,以為天下事不過如此,于是其手段日以老辣,其執行益以勇往,乃至舉中國之人物為供奔走,盡中國國家之所有供其政治演劇之材料。某今敢斷言,長此不變以終古。袁總統者,在世界歷史上雖永不失為中國怪傑,而在吾民國曆史上,終將為亡國之罪魁。」
• 袁世凱的外交秘書顧維鈞評價袁世凱,稱其:「堅強有魄力,誰一見他也會覺得他是一個野心勃勃、堅決果斷、天生的領袖人物……和頑固的保守派相比他似乎相當維新,甚至有些自由主義的思想,但對事物的看法則是舊派人物那一套,他是個實幹家,卓越的行政官吏、領袖人物」,「袁世凱不懂得共和國是個什麼樣子,也不知道共和國為什麼一定比其它形式的政體優越。他的統治越來越趨向恢復帝制,保持舊的制度,使自己高高在上。他不只是不了解共和國需要什麼或民主如何起作用,看來他根本沒有實現共和或民主的願望。」
• 1913年7月,陳其美發表討袁宣言:「國賊袁世凱,殘害忠良,袒護兇犯,搗亂司法之制,提倡暗殺之風,蔑視國會,幹涉憲法,誣陷善類,擅捕議員,私借外債,喪失主權,重人民之負擔,啟各國之幹涉。蒙古叛亂,不加一兵。失地喪權,擅締協約。授各國以利益均沾之口實,陷中國于瓜分豆剮之危機。濫擲金錢,日用多至一千餘萬。收買議員,國會遂至一事無成。解散各省聯合會之民意機關,擅設不經議會通討之濫竽宮職。約法掃地,奸宄盈庭。」
• 1914年5月,孫中山發表《討袁檄文》:「袁背棄前盟,暴行帝制,解散自治會,而閭閻無安民矣;解散國會,而國家無正論矣;濫用公款,謀殺人才,而陷國家于危險之地位矣;假民黨獄,而良懦多為無辜矣。有此四者,國無不亡!國亡則民奴,獨袁與二三附從之奸,尚可執挺銜璧以保富貴耳。嗚呼!吾民何不幸,而委此國家生命于袁氏哉!自袁為總統,野有餓莩,而都下之笙歌不徹;國多憂患,而效郊祀之典禮未忘。萬戶涕淚,一人冠冕,其心尚有「共和」二字存耶?既妄忘共和,即稱民賊。吾儕昔以大仁大義鑄此巨錯,又焉敢不犯難,誓死戮此民賊,以拯吾民。」
• 1915年,袁世凱複闢帝制,景梅九發布檄文聲討袁世凱:「本紹、術之餘孽,襲莽、操之故智。謀破五族共和之均勢,希圖萬世一統之帝業。諷令二三奴儒,上勸進表;賂遣各省代表,奉請願書。藉共和以推翻共和,假民意以摧殘民意。稱皇稱帝,有艦面目;誤國誤民,全無心肝。」
• 1915年12月25日,蔡鍔在雲南發起討袁護國運動,組織護國軍,與唐繼堯、李烈鈞聯名宣布雲南獨立,檄文稱袁世凱:「元首謀逆,蔑棄《約法》,背食誓言,拂逆輿情,自為帝制,率召外侮,警告迭來。」「徒以袁逆,內罔吾民,多欺列國,有茲幹涉,既瀕危亡。非自今永除帝制,確保共和,則內安外攘,兩窮于術。」
• 1916年1月,康有為發布《討袁世凱檄》:「國賊袁世凱者,蜂目忍人,豺聲亂性,含奸藪慝,蘊毒滔天。」「因武昌之兵起,成總揆之登庸;假立憲之高義,以收軍國之全權;借排滿之人心,而迫朝廷之禪讓。」「始以高位厚祿,籠絡革命之英;繼即以重兵酷刑,誅鋤革命之傑。始以美言多金,誘進步黨而排國民黨;終則專制橫行,散國會而驅逐黨人。」「始則累誓保守共和,而剷除專制;繼則明布力行專制,而大反共和。始則深惡國會,竟敢廢自治而停選舉;今則為改帝制,忽而選議員以開大會。」「甚乃自背累誓之共和而稱帝矣。于是以一人私篡之奸謀,偽托為舉國之民意。民選議員本大公無私,豈知名由官中直指;勸進電文之千篇一律,豈知稿由朝貴擬來。掩耳盜鈴,以予知自矜;隻手遮天,以愚民為戲。其反覆無良,詐欺弄術,司馬昭之心,路人皆知久矣。」
家族
袁世凱一妻九妾,有十七個兒子、十五個女兒、二十八個孫子、三十一個孫女,兒孫總和達九十一人。
• 妻 于氏(河南沈丘縣財主于鰲之女)
• 第一子 克定,娶吳大澂之女吳本嫻為妻。
• 第一妾 沈氏(蘇州人,未生育子女)
• 第二妾 李氏(朝鮮人,第三妾金氏兩個陪嫁姑娘之一)
• 第一女 伯禎,嫁張人駿子張允亮。
• 第五子 克權,娶端方女兒為妻。
• 第七子 克齊,娶孫寶琦女兒為妻。
• 第十子 克堅,娶陸建章的女兒為妻。
• 第十二子 克度,娶富商羅雲章的女兒為妻
• 第六女 籙禎,嫁孫寶琦兒子。
• 第三妾 金氏(朝鮮王族夫人之表姊妹,兩班出身)
• 第二子 克文,娶劉梅真為妻。
• 第三子 克良,娶張百熙的女兒為妻。
• 第三女 叔禎,又名袁靜雪,嫁楊士驄(楊士琦弟)之子楊毓珣。
• 第八女 環禎(早亡),
• 第十女 思禎,嫁鄒文凱(北京憲兵司令)
• 第四妾 閔氏(又作吳氏,朝鮮人,第三妾金氏兩個陪嫁姑娘之一)
• 第四子 克端,娶天津鹽商何仲璟之女何慎基為妻。
• 第二女 仲禎,嫁薛福成的孫子薛觀瀾。
• 第四女 次禎(早亡)
• 第七女 復禎,嫁蔭昌子蔭鐵閣。
• 第五妾 楊氏(天津楊柳青人,小戶人家,精明能幹)
• 第六子 克桓,娶陳啟泰之女陳征為妻。
• 第八子 克軫,娶周馥之女周瑞珠為妻。
• 第九子 克玖,娶黎元洪次女黎紹芳為妻。
• 第十一子 克安,娶天津鹽商李士銘的女兒李寶慧為妻。
• 第五女 季禎,嫁陸寶忠之子。
• 第十五女 玲禎(早亡)
• 第六妾 葉蓁(南京人)
• 第十四子 克捷,娶北京女招待王氏為妻。
• 第十七子 克友,娶京劇演員於雲鵬的女兒為妻。
• 第九女 福禎
• 第十一女 奇禎
• 第十二女 瑞禎
• 第七妾 張氏(河南人,未生育子女)
• 第八妾 郭寶仙(蘇州人)
• 第十三子 克相,娶那桐的孫女張壽芳為妻,後又娶陳炳焜女兒陳思行為妻。
• 第十五子 克和,娶鹽商張調宸之女為妻。
• 第十四女 怙禎,嫁曹錕的長子曹士岳。
• 第九妾 劉氏(第五妾楊氏一個丫頭)
• 第十六子 克藩,早亡。
• 第十三女 儀禎,在季禎死後,續嫁陸寶忠之子。
袁世凱相關書籍
• 袁世凱 輯,新建陸軍兵略錄存,光緒二十四年排印本
• 袁世凱 輯,訓練操法詳晰圖說,光緒二十五年石印本
• 沈祖憲 輯,養壽園奏議輯要
• 淸 甘厚慈 輯,北洋公牘類纂,光緒三十三年排印本
• 淸 甘厚慈 輯,北洋公牘類纂續編,宣統二年排印本
• 沈祖憲 吳闓生輯,容庵弟子記,1913年
• 淸 袁克文 撰並輯,洹上私乘,大東書局,1926年
• 劉成禺 撰,洪憲紀事詩本事簿註
• 陸純 輯,袁大總統書牘彙編,民國三年序排印本
• 國事新聞社 輯,北京兵變始末記,民國元年序排印本
• 黃毅 輯,袁氏盜國記,民國五年序排印本
• 白蕉 撰,袁世凱與中華民國,人文月刊社,1936年
• 梁啓超 撰,盾鼻集,民國五年序排印本
• 庾恩暘 撰,《雲南首義擁護共和始末記》,民國六年序排印本
• 闕名 撰,袁世凱全傳 袁世凱佚事,民國中排印本
• 洪憲公報 洪憲元年一月六日至三月二十四日(卽政府公報),政事堂印鑄局 發行
• 黃遠庸 撰,遠生遺著(卽黃遠生遺著),民國八年序排印本
• 張維翰 輯,民初文獻一束,鈔本
• 阮忠樞 等輯,居仁日覽,鈔本
• 日佐藤鐵治郎,袁世凱,天津時聞報館,宣統二年(1910年)
• 日佐藤鐵治郎 著,孔祥吉、村田雄二郎 整理,一個日本記者筆下的袁世凱,天津古籍出版社,2005年(此書為上一書之新版)
• 金陵中立騃漢撰,袁世凱之新出現:六集,光明書社,上海,1911年
• 日關矢越山(關矢充郎),怪傑袁世凱,實業之日本社,大正二年(1913年)五月
• 日內藤順太郎 著,范石渠 譯,袁世凱,文匯圖書局,1914年
• 日內藤順太郎 著,張振秋 譯,袁世凱正傳,廣益書局,1914年
• 亞蘇,救亡 袁世凱叛國自帝之真相,亞強社,1915年
• 袁世凱全傳,上海:文藝編譯社,1916年
• 野史氏輯,袁世凱軼事,上海:文藝編譯社,1916年
• 野史氏輯,袁世凱軼事續錄,上海:文藝編譯社,1916年
• 雲南政報發行所,袁世凱偽造民意紀實,雲南政報發行所,1916年
• 民心社 輯,最新袁世凱,泰東圖書局,1916年
• 袁世凱撰,襟霞閣主編,袁世凱家書,上海:共和書局,1925年
• 平如衡,袁世凱家書 (第七版),上海:中央書店,1936年
• 國立故宮博物院故宮文獻編輯委員會編輯,袁世凱奏摺專輯,台北:廣文,1970年
• Lo Hui-min (ed.)(1976) The correspondence of G.E. Morrison 1: 1895-1912, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Lo Hui-min (ed.)(1978) The correspondence of G.E. Morrison 2: 1912-1920, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• 澳駱惠敏編,陳霞飛譯,清末民初政情內幕:《泰晤士報》駐北京記者、袁世凱政治顧問喬·尼·莫理循書信集,上海:知識出版社,1986年
• 天津圖書館,天津社會科學院歷史研究所,袁世凱奏議,天津:天津古籍出版社,1987年
• 佚名撰,中日交涉紀事本末,台北:文海出版社,1987年
• 袁世凱家書,台北:中央研究院近代史研究所編印,1990年
• 天津市檔案館輯,袁世凱天津檔案史料選編,天津:天津古籍出版社,1990年
• 陳瑞芳 王會娟編輯,北洋軍閥史料 袁世凱卷,天津:天津古籍出版社,1996年
• 天津市歷史博物館館藏北洋軍閥史料 袁世凱卷,天津:天津古籍出版社,1996年
• 全國公共圖書館古籍文獻委會輯,袁世凱未刊書信稿,中華全國圖書館文獻縮微複製中心,1998年
• 文斐,我所知道的袁世凱,北京:中國文史出版社,2004年
• 袁靜雪,袁克齊著,袁世凱秘辛,香港:東西文化事業公司
• 駱寶善 劉路生主編,袁世凱全集 1-36卷,國家清史編纂委員會•文獻叢刊,鄭州:河南大學出版社,2013年
• 單富良 (Patrick Fuliang Shan), «袁世凱評傳» (Yuan Shikai: A Reappraisal), 卑詩大學出版社 (UBC Press), 2018.
影視形象
註釋
Text | Count |
---|---|
清史稿 | 103 |
清史紀事本末 | 34 |
庚子國變記 | 8 |
清稗類鈔 | 4 |
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