Early life and education

Sima Qian was born at Xiayang in Zuopingyi (around present-day Hancheng, Shaanxi Province). He was most likely born about 145, though some sources give his birth year as about 135. Around 136, his father, Sima Tan, received an appointment to the relatively low-ranking position of "grand historian" (tàishǐ 太史, alt. "grand scribe" or "grand astrologer"). The grand historian's primary duty was to formulate the yearly calendar, identifying which days were ritually auspicious or inauspicious, and present it to the emperor prior to New Year's Day. Besides these duties, the grand historian was also to travel with the emperor for important rituals and to record the daily events both at the court and within the country. By his account, by the age of ten Sima was able to "read the old writings" and was considered to be a promising scholar. Sima grew up in a Confucian environment, and Sima always regarded his historical work as an act of Confucian filial piety to his father.

In 126, around the age of twenty, Sima Qian began an extensive tour around China as it existed in the Han dynasty. He started his journey from the imperial capital, Chang'an (near modern Xi'an), then went south across the Yangtze River to

Changsha Kingdom (modern Hunan Province), where he visited the Miluo River site where the Warring States era poet Qu Yuan was traditionally said to have drowned himself. He then went to seek the burial place of the legendary rulers Yu on Mount Kuaiji and Shun in the Jiuyi Mountains (modern Ningyuan County, Hunan). He then went north to Huaiyin (modern Huai'an, Jiangsu Province) to see the grave of Han dynasty general Han Xin, then continued north to Qufu, the hometown of Confucius, where he studied ritual and other traditional subjects.

As Han court official

After his travels, Sima was chosen to be a Palace Attendant in the government, whose duties were to inspect different parts of the country with Emperor Wu in 122 BC. Sima married young and had one daughter. In 110 BC, at the age of thirty-five, Sima Qian was sent westward on a military expedition against some "barbarian" tribes. That year, his father fell ill due to the distress of not being invited to attend the Imperial Feng Sacrifice. Suspecting his time was running out, he summoned his son back home to take over the historical work he had begun. Sima Tan wanted to follow the Annals of Spring and Autumn—the first chronicle in the history of Chinese literature. It appears that Sima Tan was only able to put together an outline of the work before he died. In the postface of the completed Shiji, there is a short essay on the six philosophical schools that is explicitly attributed to Sima Tan. Otherwise, there are only fragments of the Shiji that are speculated to be authored by Sima Tan or based on his notes. Fueled by his father's inspiration, Sima Qian spent much of the subsequent decade authoring and compiling the Records of the Grand Historian, completing it before 91 BC, probably around 94 BC. Three years after the death of his father, Sima Qian assumed his father's previous position as taishi. In 105 BC, Sima was among the scholars chosen to reform the calendar. As a senior imperial official, Sima was also in the position to offer counsel to the emperor on general affairs of state.

The Li Ling affair

In 99 BC, Sima became embroiled in the Li Ling affair, where Li Ling and Li Guangli, two military officers who led a campaign against the Xiongnu in the north, were defeated and taken captive. Emperor Wu attributed the defeat to Li Ling, with all government officials subsequently condemning him for it. Sima was the only person to defend Li Ling, who had never been his friend but whom he respected. Emperor Wu interpreted Sima's defence of Li as an attack on his brother-in-law, Li Guangli, who had also fought against the Xiongnu without much success, and sentenced Sima to death. At that time, execution could be commuted either by money or castration. Since Sima did not have enough money to atone his "crime", he chose the latter and was then thrown into prison, where he endured three years. He described his pain thus: "When you see the jailer you abjectly touch the ground with your forehead. At the mere sight of his underlings you are seized with terror ... Such ignominy can never be wiped away." Sima called his castration "the worst of all punishments".

In 96 BC, on his release from prison, Sima chose to live on as a palace eunuch to complete his histories, rather than commit suicide as was expected of a gentleman-scholar who had been disgraced by being castrated. As Sima Qian himself explained in his Letter to Ren An:

Later years and death

Upon his release from prison in 97/96 BC, Sima Qian continued to serve in the Han court as zhongshuling (中書令), a court archivist position reserved for eunuchs with considerable status and with higher pay than his previous position of historian.

The Letter to Ren An was written by Sima Qian in reply to Ren An in response to the latter's involvement in Crown Prince Liu Ju's rebellion in 91 BC. This is the last record of Sima Qian in contemporary documents. The letter is a reply to a lost letter by Ren An to Sima Qian, perhaps asking Sima Qian to intercede on his behalf as Ren An was facing execution for accusations of being an opportunist and displaying equivocal loyalty to the emperor during the rebellion. In his reply, Sima Qian stated that he is a mutilated man with no influence at court. Some later historians claimed that Sima Qian himself became implicated in the rebellion as a result of his friendship with Ren An and was executed as part of the purge of the crown prince's supporters in court; however, the earliest attested record of this account dates from the 4th century. Moreover, it has also been pointed out that Sima Qian would have been reluctant to render substantive aid to Ren An, given the severe consequences that he suffered for supporting General Li Ling, as well as Ren An's failure to act on his behalf during the Li Ling affair. Although there are many theories regarding the exact dating as well as the true nature and purpose of the Letter to Ren An, one common interpretation suggests that the letter, in part, tacitly expressed a refusal to play an active role in securing a reduced punishment for Ren An.

The early 20th century scholar Wang Guowei stated that there are no reliable records establishing when Sima Qian died. He and most modern historians believe that Sima Qian spent his last days as a scholar in reclusion after leaving the Han court, perhaps dying around the same time as Emperor Wu in 87/86 BC.

Records of the Grand Historian

Format

Although the style and form of Chinese historical writings varied through the ages, the Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji) has defined the quality and style from then onwards. Before Sima, histories were written as certain events or certain periods of history of states; his idea of a general history affected later historiographers like Zheng Qiao (鄭樵) in writing Tongzhi and Sima Guang in writing Zizhi Tongjian. The Chinese historical form of dynasty history, or jizhuanti history of dynasties, was codified in the second dynastic history by Ban Gu's Book of Han, but historians regard Sima's work as their model, which stands as the "official format" of the history of China. The Shiji comprises 130 chapters consisting of half a million characters.

The jizhuanti format refers to the organization of the work into benji (本紀) or 'basic annals' chapters containing the biographies of the sovereigns ('sons of heaven') organized by dynasty and liezhuan (列傳) or 'ordered biographies' chapters containing the biographies of influential non-nobles, sometimes for one prominent individual, but often for two or more people who, in Sima Qian's judgment, played similarly important roles in history. In addition to these namesake categories, there are chapters falling under the categories of biao (表) or 'tables', containing graphical chronologies of royalty and nobility, and shu (書) or 'treatises', consisting of essays giving a historical perspective on various topics like music, ritual, or economics. Most importantly, the shijia (世家) chapters, or 'house chronicles', document important events in the histories of the rulers of each of the quasi-independent states of the Zhou dynasty (orginially serving as vassals to the Zhou kings), as well as the histories of contemporary aristocratic houses established during the Han dynasty.

In all, the Records consist of 12 Basic Annals, 10 Tables, 8 Treatises, 30 House Chronicles, and 70 Ordered Biographies. The last of the Ordered Biographies is the postface. This final chapter details the background of how the Shiji was composed and compiled, and gives brief justifications for the inclusion of the major topics, events, and individuals in the work. As part of the background, the postface provides a short sketch of the history of the Sima clan, from legendary times to his father Sima Tan. It also details the dying words of Sima Tan, tearfully exhorting the author to compose the present work, and contains a biographical sketch of the author himself. The postface concludes with a self-referential description of the postface as the 70th and last of the Ordered Biographies chapters.

Influences and works influenced

Sima was greatly influenced by Confucius's Spring and Autumn Annals, which on the surface is a succinct chronology from the events of the reigns of the twelve dukes of Lu from 722 to 484 BC. Many Chinese scholars have and still do view how Confucius ordered his chronology as the ideal example of how history should be written, especially with regards to what he chose to include and to exclude; and his choice of words as indicating moral judgements Seen in this light, the Spring and Autumn Annals are a moral guide to the proper way of living. Sima took this view himself as he explained:It and Autumn Annals distinguishes what is suspicious and doubtful, clarifies right and wrong, and settles points which are uncertain. It calls good good and bad bad, honours the worthy, and condemns the unworthy. It preserves states which are lost and restores the perishing family. It brings to light what was neglected and restores what was abandoned. Sima saw the Shiji as being in the same tradition as he explained in his introduction to chapter 61 of the Shiji where he wrote: "Some people say 'It is Heaven's way, without distinction of persons, to keep the good perpetually supplied. ' Can we say then that Po I and Shu Ch'I were good men or not? They clung to righteousness and were pure in their deeds ... yet they starved to death ... Robber Chih day after day killed innocent men, making mincemeat of their flesh ... But in the end he lived to a great old age. For what virtue did he deserve this? ... I find myself in much perplexity. Is this so-called 'Way of Heaven' right or wrong?" To resolve this theodical problem, Sima argued that while the wicked may succeed and the good may suffer in their own life-times, it is the historian who ensures that in the end good triumphs. For Sima, the writing of history was no mere antiquarian pursuit, but was rather a vital moral task as the historian would "preserve memory", and thereby ensure the ultimate victory of good over evil. Along these lines, Sima wrote: "Su Ch'in and his two brothers all achieved fame among the feudal lords as itinerant strategists. Their policies laid great stress upon stratagems and shifts of power. But because Su Ch'in died a traitor's death, the world has united in scoffing at him and has been loath to study his policies ... Su Ch'in arose from the humblest beginnings to lead the Six States in the Vertical Alliance, and this is evidence that he possessed an intelligence surpassing the ordinary person. For this reason I have set forth this account of his deeds, arranging them in proper chronological order, so that he may not forever suffer from an evil reputation and be known for nothing else". Such a moralizing approach to history with the historian high-guiding the good and evil to provide lessons for the present could be dangerous for the historian as it could bring down the wrath of the state onto the historian as happened to Sima himself. As such, the historian had to tread carefully and often expressed his judgements in a circuitous way designed to fool the censor.

Sima himself in the conclusion to chapter 110 of the Shiji declared that he was writing in this tradition where he stated:"When Confucius wrote the Spring and Autumn Annals, he was very open in treating the reigns of Yin and Huan, the early dukes of Lu; but when he came to the later period of Dukes Ding and Ai, his writing was much more covert. Because in the latter case he was writing about his own times, he did not express his judgements frankly, but used subtle and guarded language." Bearing this in mind, not everything that Sima wrote should be understood as conveying didactical moral lessons. But several historians have suggested that parts of the Shiji, such as where Sima placed his section on Confucius's use of indirect criticism in the part of the book dealing with the Xiongnu "barbarians" might indicate his disapproval of the foreign policy of the Emperor Wu.

In writing Shiji, Sima initiated a new writing style by presenting history in a series of biographies. His work extends over 130 chapters—not in historical sequence, but divided into particular subjects, including annals, chronicles, and treatises—on music, ceremonies, calendars, religion, economics, and extended biographies. Sima's work influenced the writing style of other histories outside of China as well, such as the Goryeo (Korean) history the Samguk sagi. Sima adopted a new method in sorting out the historical data and a new approach to writing historical records. At the beginning of the Shiji, Sima declared himself a follower of Confucius's approach in the Analects to "hear much but leave to one side that which is doubtful, and speak with due caution concerning the remainder". Reflecting these rigorous analytic methods, Sima declared that he would not write about periods of history where there was insufficient documentation. As such, Sima wrote "the ages before the Ch'in dynasty are too far away and the material on them too scanty to permit a detailed account of them here". In the same way, Sima discounted accounts in the traditional records that were "ridiculous" such as the pretense that Prince Tan could via the use of magic make the clouds rain grain and horses grow horns. Sima constantly compared accounts found in the manuscripts with what he considered reliable sources like Confucian classics like the Book of Odes, Book of History, Book of Rites, Book of Music, Book of Changes and Spring and Autumn Annals. When Sima encountered a story that could not be cross-checked with the Confucian classics, he systemically compared the information with other documents. Sima mentioned at least 75 books he used for cross-checking. Furthermore, Sima often questioned people about historical events they had experienced. Sima mentioned after one of his trips across China that: "When I had occasion to pass through Feng and Beiyi I questioned the elderly people who were about the place, visited the old home of Xiao He, Cao Can, Fan Kuai and Xiahou Ying, and learned much about the early days. How different it was from the stories one hears!" Reflecting the traditional Chinese reverence for age, Sima stated that he preferred to interview the elderly as he believed that they were the most likely to supply him with correct and truthful information about had happened in the past. During one of this trips, Sima mentioned that he was overcome with emotion when he saw the carriage of Confucius together with his clothes and various other personal items that had belonged to Confucius.

Innovations and unique features

Despite his very large debts to Confucian tradition, Sima was an innovator in four ways. To begin with, Sima's work was concerned with the history of the known world. Previous Chinese historians had focused on only one dynasty and/or region. Sima's history of 130 chapters began with the legendary Yellow Emperor and extended to his own time, and covered not only China, but also neighboring nations like Korea and Vietnam. In this regard, Sima was significant as the first Chinese historian to treat the peoples living to the north of the Great Wall like the Xiongnu as human beings who were implicitly the equals of the Middle Kingdom, instead of the traditional approach which had portrayed the Xiongnu as savages who had the appearance of humans, but the minds of animals. In his comments about the Xiongnu, Sima refrained from evoking claims about the innate moral superiority of the Han over the "northern barbarians" that were the standard rhetorical tropes of Chinese historians in this period. Likewise, Sima in his chapter about the Xiongnu condemns those advisors who pursue the "expediency of the moment", that is advise the Emperor to carry policies such as conquests of other nations that bring a brief moment of glory, but burden the state with the enormous financial and often human costs of holding on to the conquered land. Sima was engaging in an indirect criticism of the advisors of the Emperor Wu who were urging him to pursue a policy of aggression towards the Xiongnu and conquer all their land, a policy that Sima was apparently opposed to.

Sima also broke new ground by using more sources like interviewing witnesses, visiting places where historical occurrences had happened, and examining documents from different regions and/or times. Before Chinese historians had tended to use only reign histories as their sources. The Shiji was further very novel in Chinese historiography by examining historical events outside of the courts, providing a broader history than the traditional court-based histories had done. Lastly, Sima broke with the traditional chronological structure of Chinese history. Sima instead had divided the Shiji into five divisions: the basic annals which comprised the first 12 chapters, the chronological tables which comprised the next 10 chapters, treatises on particular subjects which make up 8 chapters, accounts of the ruling families which take up 30 chapters, and biographies of various eminent people which are the last 70 chapters. The annals follow the traditional Chinese pattern of court-based histories of the lives of various emperors and their families. The chronological tables are graphs recounting the political history of China. The treatises are essays on topics such as astronomy, music, religion, hydraulic engineering and economics. The last section dealing with biographies covers individuals judged by Sima to have made a major impact on the course of history, regardless of whether they were of noble or humble birth and whether they were born in the central states, the periphery, or barbarian lands. Unlike traditional Chinese historians, Sima went beyond the androcentric, nobility-focused histories by dealing with the lives of women and men such as poets, bureaucrats, merchants, comedians/jesters, assassins, and philosophers. The treatises section, the biographies sections and the annals section relating to the Qin dynasty (as a former dynasty, there was more freedom to write about the Qin than there was about the reigning Han dynasty) that make up 40% of the Shiji have aroused the most interest from historians and are the only parts of the Shiji that have been translated into English.

When Sima placed his subjects was often his way of expressing obliquely moral judgements. Empress Lü and Xiang Yu were the effective rulers of China during reigns Hui of the Han and Yi of Chu, respectively, so Sima placed both their lives in the basic annals. Likewise, Confucius is included in the fourth section rather the fifth where he properly belonged as a way of showing his eminent virtue. The structure of the Shiji allowed Sima to tell the same stories in different ways, which allowed him to pass his moral judgements. For example, in the basic annals section, the Emperor Gaozu is portrayed as a good leader whereas in the section dealing with his rival Xiang Yu, the Emperor is portrayed unflatteringly. Likewise, the chapter on Xiang presents him in a favorable light whereas the chapter on Gaozu portrays him in more darker colors. At the end of most of the chapters, Sima usually wrote a commentary in which he judged how the individual lived up to traditional Chinese values like filial piety, humility, self-discipline, hard work and concern for the less fortunate. Sima analyzed the records and sorted out those that could serve the purpose of Shiji. He intended to discover the patterns and principles of the development of human history. Sima also emphasized, for the first time in Chinese history, the role of individual men in affecting the historical development of China and his historical perception that a country cannot escape from the fate of growth and decay.

Unlike the Book of Han, which was written under the supervision of the imperial dynasty, Shiji was a privately written history since he refused to write Shiji as an official history covering only those of high rank. The work also covers people of the lower classes and is therefore considered a "veritable record" of the darker side of the dynasty. In Sima's time, literature and history were not seen as separate disciplines as they are now, and Sima wrote his magnum opus in a very literary style, making extensive use of irony, sarcasm, juxtaposition of events, characterization, direct speech and invented speeches, which led the American historian Jennifer Jay to describe parts of the Shiji as reading more like a historical novel than a work of history. For an example, Sima tells the story of a Chinese eunuch named Zhonghang Yue who become an advisor to the Xiongnu kings. Sima provides a long dialogue between Zhonghang and an envoy sent by the Emperor Wen of China during which the latter disparages the Xiongnu as "savages" whose customs are barbaric while Zhonghang defends the Xiongnu customs as either justified and/or as morally equal to Chinese customs, at times even morally superior as Zhonghang draws a contrast between the bloody succession struggles in China where family members would murder one another to be Emperor vs. the more orderly succession of the Xiongnu kings. The American historian Tamara Chin wrote that though Zhonghang did exist, the dialogue is merely a "literacy device" for Sima to make points that he could not otherwise make. The favorable picture of the traitor Zhonghang who went over to the Xiongnu who bests the Emperor's loyal envoy in an ethnographic argument about what is the morally superior nation appears to be Sima's way of attacking the entire Chinese court system where the Emperor preferred the lies told by his sycophantic advisors over the truth told by his honest advisors as inherently corrupt and depraved. The point is reinforced by the fact that Sima has Zhonghang speak the language of an idealized Confucian official whereas the Emperor's envoy's language is dismissed as "mere twittering and chatter". Elsewhere in the Shiji Sima portrayed the Xiongnu less favorably, so the debate was almost certainly more Sima's way of criticizing the Chinese court system and less genuine praise for the Xiongnu.

Sima has often been criticized for "historizing" myths and legends as he assigned dates to mythical and legendary figures from ancient Chinese history together with what appears to be suspiciously precise genealogies of leading families over the course of several millennia (including his own where he traces the descent of the Sima family from legendary emperors in the distant past). However, archaeological discoveries in recent decades have confirmed aspects of the Shiji, and suggested that even if the sections of the Shiji dealing with the ancient past are not totally true, at least Sima wrote down what he believed to be true. In particular, archaeological finds have confirmed the basic accuracy of the Shiji including the reigns and locations of tombs of ancient rulers.

Literary figure

Sima's Shiji is respected as a model of biographical literature with high literary value and still stands as a textbook for the study of classical Chinese. Sima's works were influential to Chinese writing, serving as ideal models for various types of prose within the neo-classical ("renaissance" 复古) movement of the Tang-Song period. The great use of characterisation and plotting also influenced fiction writing, including the classical short stories of the middle and late medieval period (Tang-Ming) as well as the vernacular novel of the late imperial period. Sima had immense influence on historiography not only in China, but also in Japan and Korea. For centuries afterwards, the Shiji was regarded as the greatest history book written in Asia. Sima is little known in the English-speaking world as a full translation of the Shiji in English has not yet been completed.

His influence was derived primarily from the following elements of his writing: his skillful depiction of historical characters using details of their speech, conversations, and actions; his innovative use of informal, humorous, and varied language; and the simplicity and conciseness of his style. Even the 20th-century literary critic Lu Xun regarded Shiji as "the historians' most perfect song, a "Li Sao" without the rhyme" (史家之絶唱，無韻之離騷) in his Outline of Chinese Literary History (漢文學史綱要).

Other literary works

Sima's famous letter to his friend Ren An about his sufferings during the Li Ling Affair and his perseverance in writing Shiji is today regarded as a highly admired example of literary prose style, studied widely in China even today. The Letter to Ren An contains the quote, "Men have always had but one death. For some it is as weighty as Mount Tai; for others it is as insignificant as a goose down. The difference is what they use it for." (人固有一死，或重于泰山，或輕于鴻毛，用之所趨異也。) This quote has become one of the most well known in all of Chinese literature. In modern times, Chairman Mao paraphrased this quote in a speech in which he paid tribute to a fallen PLA soldier.

Sima Qian wrote eight rhapsodies (fu), which are listed in the bibliographic treatise of the Book of Han. All but one, the "Rhapsody in Lament for Gentlemen who do not Meet their Time" (士不遇賦) have been lost, and even the surviving example is probably not complete.

Astronomer/astrologer

Sima and his father both served as the taishi (太史) of the Former Han Dynasty, a position which includes aspects of being a historian, a court scribe, calendarist, and court astronomer/astrologer. At that time, the astrologer had an important role, responsible for interpreting and predicting the course of government according to the influence of the Sun, Moon, and stars, as well as other astronomical and geological phenomena such as solar eclipses and earthquakes, which depended on revising and upholding an accurate calendar.

Before compiling Shiji, Sima Qian was involved in the creation of the 104 BC Taichu Calendar 太初暦 (太初 became the new era name for Emperor Wu and means "supreme beginning"), a modification of the Qin calendar. This is the first Chinese calendar whose full method of calculation 暦法 has been preserved.

The minor planet "12620 Simaqian" is named in his honour.

Family

Sima Qian is the son of court astrologer (太史令) Sima Tan, who is a descendant of Qin general Sima Cuo (司馬錯), the commander of Qin army in the state's conquest of Ba and Shu.

Before his castration, Sima Qian was recorded to have two sons and a daughter. While little is recorded of his sons, his daughter later married Yang Chang (楊敞), and had sons Yang Zhong (楊忠) and Yang Yun (楊惲). It was Yang Yun who hid his grandfather's great work, and decided to release it during the reign of Emperor Xuan.

Unsubstantiated descendants

According to local legend, Sima Qian had two sons, the older named Sima Lin (司馬臨) and younger named Sima Guan (司馬觀), who fled the capital to Xu Village (徐村) in what is now Shaanxi province during the Li Ling affair, for fear of falling victim to familial extermination. They changed their surnames to Tong (同 = 丨+ 司) and Feng (馮 = 仌 + 馬), respectively, to hide their origins while continuing to secretly offer sacrifices to the Sima ancestors. To this day, people living in the village with surnames Feng and Tong are forbidden from intermarrying on the grounds that the relationship would be incestuous.

According to the Book of Han, Wang Mang sent an expedition to search for and ennoble a male-line descent of Sima Qian as 史通子 ("Viscount of Historical Mastery"), although it was not recorded who received this title of nobility. A Qing dynasty stele 重修太史廟記 (Records of the Renovation of the Temple of the Grand Historian) erected in the nearby county seat Han City (韓城) claims that the title was given to the grandson of Sima Lin.

人物生平

早期經歷

司馬遷，生于漢景帝、漢武帝年間，司馬談是太史令，所以司馬遷在十歲時已能閱讀誦習古文《尚書》、《左傳》、《國語》等書。司馬遷早年受學于孔安國、董仲舒等大儒，並暢遊各地，採集傳聞。十九歲時，他從長安出發，足跡遍及江淮和中原地區，並對所到之處的風俗進行考察，採集傳說。早期遷仕為郎中，奉使西征巴蜀以南，略邛、莋、昆明，還報命。」二十五歲時，以使者監軍的身份，出使西南夷，擔負起在西南設郡的任務。足跡遍及「邛、莋、昆明」等地。漢武帝元封元年（前110年）司馬談去世，三年之後，司馬遷承襲父職，任太史令，同時也繼承父親遺志（司馬談臨終曾對司馬遷說：「余死，汝必為太史；為太史，無忘吾所欲論著矣。」），準備撰寫一部通史。漢武帝太初元年（前104年），司馬遷與唐都、落下閎等共同定立了「太初曆」，該曆法改變了秦代使用的顓頊曆以十月為歲首的習慣，而改以正月為歲首。從而奠定了其後兩千年來所尊奉的曆法基礎。之後司馬遷便潛心修史，開始了《史記》的寫作，開創紀傳體史學，稱太史公。

自序

• 自稱其先祖是顓頊時期的天官。《史記·太史公自序》記載「昔在顓頊，命南正重以司天，北正黎以司地。唐、虞之際，紹重、黎之後，使複典之，至于夏、商，故重、黎氏世序天地。

• 而九世祖是秦國的大將司馬錯。

• 《史記·太史公自序》中，司馬遷說：「遷生龍門，耕牧河山之陽。年十歲則誦古文。」

• 《史記·太史公自序》中，司馬遷說：「（他）二十而南遊江、淮，上會稽，探禹穴，窺九疑，浮沅、湘。北涉汶、泗，講業齊魯之都，觀夫子遺風，鄉射鄒嶧；厄困蕃、薛、彭城，過梁、楚以歸。」

獲罪

早在司馬遷撰寫《史記》時，漢武帝翻閱《孝景本紀第十一》和《今上本紀第十二》後，認為司馬遷的敍述有意貶損自己，不禁勃然大怒，命人削去了書簡上的字，並把這些書簡扔掉了，可見當時漢武帝對司馬遷已經甚為不滿。

漢武帝天漢二年（公元前99年），名將「飛將軍」李廣的孫子李陵主動請纓出擊匈奴，兵敗被俘，漢武帝震怒。滿朝文武都認為李陵叛降，全家當誅。而在這時，身為太史令的司馬遷卻為李陵辯護。他認為李陵兵敗投降是因為「矢盡道窮，救兵不至」，而且李陵是希望「欲得其當而報漢」。李陵雖然兵敗，但是他以少勝多，以弱勝強，「其所摧敗，功亦足以暴于天下」。

司馬遷這番表述卻沒有得到漢武帝的理解，漢武帝認為他是藉李陵之功，詆毀這場戰爭的主帥李廣利（此人為漢武帝寵姬李夫人的哥哥），進而批評自己用人不當，造成軍事失利，再加上司馬遷在撰寫史記時，內容有意貶損漢武帝的心結，在大怒下將司馬遷投入牢獄，以「誣罔」（欺騙皇帝）的罪名判處死刑。當時的死刑有兩種方式可以充抵，第一種是「令死罪入贖錢五十萬減死一等」。另一種是按照漢景帝時期所頒布的法律「死罪欲腐者，許之」，處以腐刑（閹割）。由于沒有足夠的金錢可以贖身，司馬遷只得接受腐刑。對此他曾表示過「禍莫憯於欲利，悲莫痛於傷心，行莫醜於辱先，而詬莫大於宮刑。刑餘之人無所比數非一世也」 。

關于司馬遷下獄，另有一說是司馬遷舉薦李陵所導致的。

卒歿

對于司馬遷的死，歷史上沒有明確記載，使得卒年無法確定，死因也眾說紛紜。

有史料認為司馬遷一直到漢昭帝年間善終，有人認為司馬遷完成《史記》之後，便隱居山野，不知所終，故無從䅲考。1916年，王國維第一次將司馬遷生卒年作為學術問題進行考証，以為卒年「絕不可考……然視為與武帝相終始，當無大誤」。從巫蠱之亂到漢武帝去世這一段時間，司馬遷是否仍在世，不可考。

東漢衛宏《漢書·舊儀注》：「司馬遷作《景帝本紀》極言其短，及武帝過，武帝怒而削去之，後坐舉李陵，陵降匈奴，故下遷蠶室，有怨言，下獄死。」指司馬遷最終仍因口出怨言被下獄而死。

歷史評價

• 朱子《語類》〈歷代一〉言道：「司馬遷才高，識亦高，但粗率。」

• 曾國藩〈聖哲畫像記〉說：「太史公稱莊子之書皆寓言，吾觀子長所為《史記》，寓言亦居十之六七。班氏閎識孤懷，不逮子長遠甚」。

• 魯迅在《漢文學史綱要》裡稱讚《史記》是「史家之絕唱，無韻之離騷」。

• 鄭樵稱：「六經之後，唯有此作」。

• 趙翼《廿二史劄記》說：「司馬遷參酌古今，發凡起例，創為全史，本紀以序帝王， 世家以記侯國，十表以繫時事，八書以詳制度，列傳以誌人物，然後一代君臣政事賢否得失，總彙於一編之中。自此例一定，歷代作史者遂不能出其範圍，信史家之極則也。」

• 黃淳耀（明）評論：「太史公以孤憤之故，敘廣不啻出口，而傳衛青若不值一錢，然隨文讀之，廣與青之優劣終不掩。」

• 黃震（宋）在《史記評林》中則認為：「凡看衛霍傳，須合李廣看。衛霍深入二千里，聲振華夷，今看其傳，不值一錢。李廣每戰輒北，困躓終身，今看其傳，英風如在。史氏抑揚予奪之妙，豈常手可望哉？」

主要作品

《史記》

《史記》對後世史學和文學的發展都產生了深遠影響。其首創的紀傳體編史方法為後來歷代「正史」所傳承。同時，《史記》還被認為是一部優秀的文學著作，在中國文學史上有重要地位。被魯迅譽為「史家之絕唱，無韻之離騷」。

司馬遷著《史記》，其史學觀念在於「究天人之際，通古今之變，成一家之言」。司馬遷探求的天人之際，並非承認天的神秘力量反而重視天人之間關係的演變，從而了解「古今之變」的關鍵，探求出歷史動態發展變化的層面，最終完成「一家之言」。而他的撰述動機，主要有以下三方面：

• 司馬遷為了繼承其父司馬談編訂史書的遺志，完成撰述《史記》的宏願。司馬氏在周朝時世為史官，春秋時期雖然失去官職，司馬談卻把修撰史書視為自己的神聖職責，一心繼承先人久絕的世業—太史令，重現孔子撰述《春秋》的精神，整理和論述上代歷史。《隋書·經籍志》說：「談乃據《左氏春秋》、《國語》、《世本》、《戰國策》、《楚漢春秋》，接其後事，成一家之言。」可見司馬談有意繼續編訂《春秋》以後的史事。漢武帝元封元年，武帝進行封禪大典，司馬談身為太史令，卻無緣參與當世盛事，引為終生之憾，憂憤而死。他死前將遺志囑咐兒子司馬遷說：「今天子接千歲之統，封泰山，而余不得從行，是命也夫！余死，汝必為太史，無忘吾所欲論著矣……」司馬遷則回答道：「小子不敏，請悉論先人所次舊聞。」可知司馬遷乃秉承父親的遺志完成史著。而《史記》以「封禪書」為其八書之一，即見其秉先父之意。

• 司馬遷想繼承《春秋》精神。司馬遷在zh-hans:《太史公自序》; zh-hant:〈太史公自序〉;說：「先人有言，自周公卒，五百歲而有孔子，孔子卒後，至於今五百歲，有能紹明世，正《易傳》、繼《春秋》、本《詩》、《書》、《禮》、《樂》之際，意在斯乎？意在斯乎？小子何敢讓焉？」此正暗示其有明道義，顯揚志業人物的使命。《春秋》的下限，到魯哀公獲麟之年，此後的史事就沒有完整的史籍記載。司馬遷是紹繼《春秋》，並以漢武帝元狩元年「獲麟」及太初元年改曆下限，撰寫史記。然而，司馬遷繼承《春秋》，不僅是要形式上承繼周公以來的道統，反而是重視《春秋》的性質，他在《太史公自序》說：「夫《春秋》，上明三王之道，下辨人事之紀，別嫌疑，明是非，定猶豫，善善惡惡，賢賢賤不肖，存亡國，繼絕世，補敝起廢，王道之大者也……《春秋》以道義，撥亂世，反之正，莫近於《春秋》。」可見司馬遷對「春秋之義」和「春秋筆法」心儀已久，這是他要承孔子的真意、秉承《春秋》褒貶精神，撰述《史記》。

• 司馬遷要肩負史家職責。據《後漢書·百官志》載，「太史令」只是俸祿六百石的小官，職責僅在於管理圖籍，掌管星象天文，最多也只是記錄上代及當代事情，並無著述的責任。然而，司馬談和司馬遷明顯不滿足於「拾遺補蓺」。司馬談早有整理上代歷史的計劃，可惜卻「發憤而卒」，臨終前叮囑司馬遷：「自獲麟以來四百有餘歲，而諸侯相兼，史記放絕……余為太史而弗論載，廢天下之史文，余甚懼焉，汝其念哉！」，認為他們既為太史令，則有完成前代歷史記述的任務。司馬遷在《太史公自序》也指出身為太史的職責說：「且余嘗掌其官，廢明聖盛德不載，滅功臣、世家、賢大夫之不述，隳先人之言，罪莫大焉。」因此，司馬遷一心秉承先人世傳及「述往事以思來者」的責任感，決意撰述《史記》。在《報任安書》中亦透露著述《史記》的目的，他說「凡百三十篇，亦欲以究天人之際，通古今之變，成一家之言。」可見他不但要完成太史令的責任，更要盡史學家的職責。

民國史學家呂思勉先生考証文風等各個方面，認為 《史記》當中有一大部分甚至是極大部分並非司馬遷所作，而是司馬遷抄篡古書所得，《序》和《論贊》部分基本可以肯定是他自己所作，但仍然有可能為其父親司馬談所作，無法加以考証。

其他作品

• 《報任少卿書》（《報任安書》）

• 《悲士不遇賦》

家族

直系祖先

• 周宣王時期，司馬遷的先祖遷至秦國 。

• 九世祖，武將司馬錯，戰國時期秦國人。秦惠文王時期，司馬錯曾與張儀辯論，辯論內容被收入《戰國策·秦策》，後收入《古文觀止》，名為《司馬錯論伐蜀》。辯論勝利後，秦惠文王派司馬錯等人出兵巴蜀，得勝而守之。

• 七世祖，司馬靳為名將武安君白起副手，參與長平之戰，坑殺趙卒四十萬人，司馬錯、司馬靳等軍事之功為秦國奠定了一統天下的軍事基礎。

• 五世祖，司馬昌

• 四世祖，司馬無澤

• 祖父，司馬喜

• 父親是西漢武帝時期太史令司馬談。司馬談是當時一位非常傑出的學者，著有《論六家要旨》一文，系統總結了從春秋至漢初間陰陽、儒、墨、法、名、道各家思想的利弊得失，並對道家思想進行了高度肯定。該文是對春秋戰國以來的諸子百家思想的高度概括和凝練總結。司馬談在約漢武帝建元六年至元封元年間任太史令。

後代

• 司馬遷的兒子在史籍中沒有記載，王莽當政時曾考求其後人，封為「史通子」。司馬遷有一女，嫁安平敬侯楊敞，生楊忠和楊惲。在漢宣帝的時候，楊惲被封為平通侯，這時候他看到當時朝政清明，想到他的外祖父司馬遷這部巨著正是重見天日的時候，于是上書漢宣帝，把《史記》獻了出來，從此天下人得以共讀這部偉大的史著。

傳說

韓城民間傳說：司馬遷因為李陵事件獲罪後，其族人多改姓避禍。或將「司」加一豎改姓「同」；或將「馬」加兩點改姓「馮」。所以，現在芝川鎮西原上徐村同姓、馮姓的人，都是他的同族後裔。

隨清娛為司馬遷的侍妾。年十七歸司馬遷，隨其遊歷名山。數百年後，唐代褚遂良任同州刺史，得清娛託夢，醒後便為她立碑撰寫墓誌。

明代史學家柯維騏以司馬遷為榜樣專心著《宋史新編》，竟毅然自宮。

後世紀念

• 現在，陝西韓城芝川鎮南原頭上有司馬遷墓和祠。芝川鎮西原上徐村有司馬遷故里、祖墓碑。據載韓城「城內有太史公祠，年月邑人莫不祭之。有孝廉徐氏攜香火入試燕京，號稱『助文』。」至今韓城人仍有每逢節慶就祭拜司馬遷的習俗，傳說可以保佑遠行之人，尤其是遠行的士人舉子得到平安與功名。

• 日本歷史小說家福田定一（1923－1996）筆名為「司馬遼太郎」，乃取「遠不及司馬遷」之意。

• 英國知名漢學家Jonathan Dermot Spence的中文漢名「史景遷」，乃取「景仰太史公司馬遷」之意。

影視

• 1997年電視劇《司馬遷與漢武帝》：仇永力

• 2001年電視劇《大漢天子》：李晟毓

• 2005年電視劇《漢武大帝》：王往

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